Public Sphere

The purpose of this paper is to better understand how issues may be framed in public debate. The outcomes of this debate affect organizations. The study is based on the seven types of framing identified by Hallahan and scrutinizes which of these types is utilized, and how this is done, in the case of human rights issues.

For Hannah Arendt, authority is the shape educational responsibility assumes. In our time, authority in Arendt’s sense is under pressure. The figure of Greta Thunberg shows the failure of adult generations, taken collectively, to take responsibility for the world and present and future generations of newcomers. However, in reflecting on Arendt’s use of authority, we argue that her account of authority also requires amendments. Arendt’s situating of educational authority in-between past and future adequately captures its temporal dimension. We make explicit another, spatial, dimension: authority in-between world and earth. Arendt’s neglect of the material earth also has implications for the relational dimension of authority. Arendt’s authority depends on a dichotomy between the private (education, the child) and the public sphere (politics, the adult). This is problematic. First, we agree with Arendt’s feminist critics that the personal can be made into the site of the political. Second, we point once more to Thunberg, the child, taking the public stage, thereby contesting the division between public and private. In response, we situate the relational dimension of authority in-between private and public. The three dimensions of educational authority taken together imply that it is situated in-between domains that cannot be reduced to each other or taken as absolutes: past and future (time), world and earth (space), and the private and public sphere (relation). This brings us to our concept of ambiguous authority, which expresses the Arendtian nature of our reflections and the ways in which we seek to renew her original insights on educational authority

There has been a robust and ongoing investment in demystifying the discursive and material conditions of neoliberalism. Scholars in communication have done much work to explore the various rhetorical effects and processes of neoliberal discourses and practices. Many of these case studies have tethered their concerns of neoliberalism to the conceptualization of the public sphere. However, most of this research rests on the absence of those that try to “make do.” By privileging rhetoric after the fact, such studies tend to provide more agency to ideology than everyday bodies that engage in their own rhetorical judgments and discernments. In addition, scholarship across the board tends to treat neoliberalism as something dangerously and uniquely new. This framing effectively serves to ignore the longer history of liberalism and liberal thought that paved the path of neoliberalism the United States is now on.
      With these two broad concerns in mind, this study centers a case study of a charter school in South Phoenix to focus on the vernacular rhetorics of those on the ground. Guided by public sphere theory, critical race theory, and intersectionality, I take up rhetorical field methods to explore how those involved with this charter school navigate and make sense of school choice and charter schools in the age of neoliberalism. Within this context, field methods permit me to locate the various discourses, practices, and material constraints that shape running, being educated at, and selecting a charter school. These various rhetorical practices brought to the forefront an interest and concern with the school’s whole child approach as it is rooted within Stephen Covey’s (1989) seven habits. Additional qualitative data analysis brings about two new concepts of neoliberal scapegoating and dialectical vernacular complicity. Finally, I discuss the implications of these findings as they speak to how rhetorical field methods, supported by intersectionality and critical race theory, invites critics to center more agency on people rather than ideas, and how that makes for a more complicated and nuanced neoliberal reality and modes of resistance.

This article contributes to the emerging literature on publics within critical security studies. Its particular focus is on contestation in the context of diffuse security technology. Contemporary security practices are characterized by diffusion and dispersion. As a result, contestation of security technology is also dispersed and diffuse and requires an account of publics that is sensitive to this aspect. The article conceptualizes 'multiple publics' as a mode of fundamental contestation of established political institutions. In order to do so, it discusses previous approaches to sociotechnical controversies and material participation. As a result of this discussion, it becomes apparent that we need a concept of publics that does not reduce political contestation to a pre-existing set of institutions. I develop a notion of publicness that emphasizes the way in which publics are embedded in societal struggles. This is achieved by reading John Dewey as a theorist to whom contestation is a vital part of democracy. It becomes possible to understand contestation against diffuse security practices-such as surveillance-as forms of emerging publics, even though they might not feed back into governmental decisionmaking.

The ‘two communities’ model of Northern Irish culture has contributed to the erasure of a discursive space, a public sphere, to which Northern Irish subjects might have access. The essay suggests that these ‘two communities’ (unionist/loyalist and nationalist/republican) actually comprise at least four publics (unionist, nationalist, loyalist and republican). The rhetorical conflation of these publics as ‘two communities’ reifies their opposition, limits political discourse, and replaces a public sphere with a set of clashing ‘cultures’. The essay concludes by examining the Northern Irish queer counterpublic and suggesting the ways it constitutes a more imaginative and effective model for public discourse by imagining a public sphere.

The ‘two communities’ model of Northern Irish culture has contributed to the erasure of a discursive space, a public sphere, to which Northern Irish subjects might have access. The essay suggests that these ‘two communities’ (unionist/loyalist and nationalist/republican) actually comprise at least four publics (unionist, nationalist, loyalist and republican). The rhetorical conflation of these publics as ‘two communities’ reifies their opposition, limits political discourse, and replaces a public sphere with a set of clashing ‘cultures’. The essay concludes by examining the Northern Irish queer counterpublic and suggesting the ways it constitutes a more imaginative and effective model for public discourse by imagining a public sphere.

If arguments are to generate public knowledge, as in the sciences, then they must travel, finding acceptance across a range of local contexts. But not all good arguments travel, whereas some bad arguments do. Under what conditions may we regard the capacity of an argument to travel as a sign of its cogency or public merits? This question is especially

Societies change; and sociology has, since its inception, described and evaluated these changes. This article proposes a revised theory of collective learning processes, a conceptual framework which addresses ways in which people make sense of and cope with change. Drawing on Habermas’ classic proposal, but shifting the focus from argumentation towards storytelling, it explains how certain articulations allow for collective learning processes (imagining more inclusive orders), while others block learning processes (imagining more exclusive orders). More specifically, the article points to narrative genres (romance, tragedy, comedy and irony) which organize feelings and shape the social bond, proposing that ironic and tragic stories have the potential to trigger collective learning processes, while romantic and comic stories tend to block them.

... (a) Media-constituted public sphere (discursive politics) (b) Mass public sphere (political protest) Public resonance – (c) Elite public sphere (political campaigning) (d) Indifferent public sphere (permissive consensus) Figure 1 Ideal-types of a public sphere Page 7. ...

Some action research today lacks a critical edge. This article identifies five inadequate forms of action research, and argues that action research must be capable of 'telling unwelcome truths' against schooling in the interests of education. It reasserts a connection between ...

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia serves as a protector of the social, cultural, and religious epicenters of the Islamic faith; Mecca and Medina. While other Islamic autocracies have fallen in the wake of the Arab Spring, Saudi Arabia and its religious and political elite remain. However, threats to their legitimacy are growing. Especially relevant are increasing calls for women's rights. The Saudi Arabian public sphere of the pre-digital era had effectively banned women's participation in public. More recently, the spread of Internet authored blogs has created a new public sphere for women's deliberation. This study seeks to analyze how the Saudi blogosphere, as a public sphere of deliberation, provides insight into the emergence of Saudi-Islamic feminism through a critical discursive analysis. Three discursive themes emerge to identify how Saudi women negotiate identity and manage dialectical tensions stemming from their intersectional positions: displaying and defending ima...

... 23 Thus legal and judicial systems constituted a priority area of the Capacity Building Plan for Uganda ... emphasize the creation of demandfor accountability in strategic institutions as much as-perhaps more than-the ... The road to the creation of a 'proper' state is said to go via the ...

... 23 Thus legal and judicial systems constituted a priority area of the Capacity Building Plan for Uganda ... emphasize the creation of demandfor accountability in strategic institutions as much as-perhaps more than-the ... The road to the creation of a 'proper' state is said to go via the ...