The Second Column (Secunda) of Origen's Hexapla in Light of Greek Pronunciation

References (434)

1. The Arabic vocalic system is made up of three short vowels (/a/, /i/, /u/) and three corre- sponding long vowels (/ā/, /ı̄/, /ū/). In addition to these vowels, the contraction of the diph- thong /ay/ may result in a monophthongs of the e-vowel class.
2. 3.3.1.1. a-Vowels Arabic short /a/ is transcribed with Greek α: e.g., Αλαβδος /al-ˁabd/ (208 CE) and Αλαχβαρ /al-ˀakbar/ (505-520 CE). Arabic long /ā/ is likewise transcribed with Greek α: e.g., Μοσαλεµου /mosālem/ (179-180 CE) and Μαλ /māl/ (505-537 CE). When short /a/ is raised pretonically it is transcribed with ε: e.g., Σεουαδος /sewād/ (< */sawād/) (undated). When short /a/ is rounded before a labial, it is transcribed with ο: e.g., Ασλοµου /ˀaslom/ (< */ ˀaslam/) (434 CE) (AL-JALLAD 2015, 31-33).
3. 3.3.1.2. i-Vowels Arabic short /i/ is transcribed most commonly with Greek ε: e.g., Αλεσου /ḫ āles ̣/ (179-80 CE) and Κεσεβ /qes ̣eb/ (505-537 CE). Less commonly, /i/ is transcribed by η: e.g., Νασηρος /nās ̣ir/ (IGLS XXI 59). Transcribing etymological /i/ with η is common in the environment of liquids and nasals. 177 In very rare cases it is transcribed by ι in stressed closed syllables: e.g., Σιθρο /sitrō/ (undated) and Ιννου /h ̣inn/ (undated). AL-JALLAD regards these occurrences as too rare to be meaningful. Arabic long /ı̄/ is transcribed almost always with ι: e.g., Αβδαλµιθαβου /ˁabd al-mı̄t̲ ab/ (434 CE) and Μοκιµος /moqı̄m/ (undated). Less frequently, long /ı̄/ may be transcribed with Greek ει: e.g., Μοκειµος /moqı̄m/ (undated) and Ουασειχαθος /was í̄kat-/ (undated) (2015a, 32, 34). Short /i/ is rendered as ι in the continuous text from north-eastern Jordan (3 rd /4 th CE): e.g., βι-Χανου[ν] /bi-kānūn/ (AL-JALLAD 2015, 32, 34; AL-JALLAD and AL-MANASER 2015, 52-53).
4. I would like to thank Ahmad Al-Jallad for providing me with this example and observation.
5. Arabic /w/ is typically represented by ου: e.g., Ραουαου /rawāh ̣/ (233 CE) and Ουαελος /wāˀel/ (293/
6. CE). It may also be represented by Ø (i.e., a hiatus between two vowels): e.g., Ροεος /ro(w)eyh ̣/ (undated) and Ζοεδαθος /zo(w)eydat/ (undated) (AL-JALLAD 2015, 29-30). In the continuous text from north-eastern Jordan, the representation of /w/ is inconsistent: αθαοα /ˀatawa/, ζαθαοε /s átāw/, ωα /wa/, and αουα /wa/ (AL-JALLAD and AL-MANASER 2015, 52-53).
7. ι: e.g., Τοβαιαθη /ṯ ̣ obayyat/ (undated) and Αλαγιαθ /al- h ̣ag(i)yāt/ (undated). It may also be represented by Ø: e.g., Μοεαρος /moġe(yy)ar/ (undated) (AL-JALLAD 2015a, 29-30). In the continuous text from north-eastern Jordan, word-initial /yi/ is represented with the digraph ει (3 rd /4 th CE): ειραυ /yirˁaw/ (AL-JALLAD and AL-MANASER 2015, 52-53).
8. -Arabic consonantal system is made up of twenty-eight distinct phonemes, including three voiceless stops (/p/, /t/, /k/), three voiced stops (/b/, /d/, /g/), two interdentals (/ḏ /, /ṯ /), two uvular fricatives (/ḫ /, /ġ/), two pharyngeal fricatives (/h ̣/, /ˁ/), a glot- tal fricative (/h/), a glottal stop (/ˀ/), two liquids (/l/, /r/), two nasals (/m/, /n/), five emphatic (or glottalic) consonants (/t ̣/, /ṯ ̣ /, /s ̣/, /s ̣́/, /q/), three plain sibilants (/s 1 /, /s 2 /, /z/), and two semi- vowels (/w/, /y/) (AL-JALLAD 2015).
9. Voiceless Stops Arabic etymological /p/, which may or may not have shifted to /f/ during the period of the transcriptions, is represented with φ: 178 e.g., Φοσεα /fos ̣eyyah ̣/ (505-537 CE) and Ασαφιρ /ˁas ̣āfı̄r/ (505-537 CE). Arabic /t/ is regularly represented by Greek θ: e.g., θιεµου /tiyeim/
10. and Γανναθ-(505-537 CE). Arabic /k/ is regularly transcribed by χ: e.g., Χασετος
11. Loanwords such as fars (<*pars) and firdaws (<*paradeisos) suggest that these loanwords were borrowed into Arabic when /f/ was pronounced as /p/. It is unclear if this realization was so during the period of the inscriptions. Al-Jallad acknowledges that the transcription of the Nabatean name ‫חליפו‬ as Χαλιπος might point to an attempt at transcribing /f/, just as τ sometimes attempts to represent /t̲ /. However, representations of /p/ (or /f/) with π are far more rare than those of /t̲ / with τ. In sum, the fact that Hebrew /s ̣/ is consistently transcribed by σ does not help deter- mine whether it had an ejective or pharyngealized realization. Only transcriptions of /s ̣/ by τ, τι or στ (not before /r/) would remove the ambiguity. Lowering in the environment of /s ̣/ would seem to support a pharyngealized realization ([sˁ]), but it was shown that the evidence for lowering in the environment of /s ̣/ is inconsistent. On the other hand, the fact that /s ̣/ seems to bring about vowel raising would point to an affricate ejective realization ([ʦˀ]), since raising would not accompany a pharyngealized [sˁ]. At the same time, Palestinian Koine Greek is also witness to vowel raising in the environment of σ. Therefore, these phenomena may merely reflect the Greek accent of the scribe. Nevertheless, the descriptions in Jerome's writings, in my opinion, favor an ejective affricate realization of Hebrew /s ̣/ ([ʦˀ]). It is possi- ble that the pronunciation of [sˁ] existed alongside [ʦˀ] in various Hebrew dialects of ancient Palestine, but it makes more sense to posit [sˁ] entering Hebrew at a later period. In the Hebrew traditions attested in the Middle Ages, /s ̣/ was realized as an affricate in all non-Arabic-speaking areas, stretching geographically from Iran to northern Spain (STEINER 1982, 11). It is probably the case that the pharyngealization of glottalic consonants in Semitic originated in Arabic and was promulgated by the spread of Arabic (ZEMÁNEK 1996, 27).
12. Therefore, it seems best to explain the pharyngealized realization of /s ̣/ ([sˁ]) as a later He- brew development as a result of contact with Arabic. 251 Nevertheless, the presence of the vowel α in the prefix of ασµιθηµ* remains a difficulty. 252
13. the realization of /q/, /t ̣/, and /s ̣/ at the time of the Secunda is in- conclusive, there are a number of relevant pieces of evidence that argue against hypothesizing of changes in adjacent vowels (HAYES-HARB and DURHAM 2016). With respect to identifying [sˁ], modern English speakers and ancient Latin speakers would have been in a similar position, having [s] but no pharyngealized consonants in their own language. It is difficult to imagine how a foreign sound, often indistinguishable from one's native [s] without the help of neighboring vowels, would "offend" the ear as Jerome says.
14. Note that potential earlier contact with Arabic is irrelevant, since s ̣ād was an affricate ejective in early Arabic as well (AL-JALLAD 2014; forthcoming, 20).
15. However, α also appears in the hiphil prefix in ιαγι* ַ ‫ִיהּ‬ ‫ַגּ‬ ‫י‬ (Ps. 18:29).
16. Note how Geˁez /s ̣/ is represented by τι (not θ) in Τιαµῶ s ̣əyāmo (KOGAN 2011, 62). In the earliest attestations of Greek transcription of Arabic, the ejectives are represented with κ and τ (AL-JALLAD 2015).
17. While glottalization is a form of aspiration, it is distinct from the sort of aspiration of the Greek and Hebrew stops that is represented with [ h ].
18. Note how "lowering" only occurs in the 1cs forms in the Ambrosiana palimpsest, but it is absent in the imperative. Also, the prefix vowel of hifˁil is etymological */a/ and is realized as /a/ in the main Hebrew reading traditions. Also, if the "lowering" in the hifˁil prefix was due to the pharyngealized realization of the emphatics, we would expect it to occur also before pharyngeals, which it does not: e.g., ιεµιδηνι* ‫ִי‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ִידֵ‬ ‫ֲמ‬ ‫ַע‬ ‫י‬ (Ps. 18:34), εεζεκ ‫ֵק‬ ‫ֲז‬ ‫ַח‬ ‫ה‬ (Ps. 35:2). In external sources, the imperative also has α: ασλιαννα ‫ָא‬ ‫נּ‬ ‫ָה‬ ‫ִיח‬ ‫ְל‬ ‫ַצ‬ ‫ה‬ (Ps. 119:25).
19. Finally, it should be noted that what is suggested here runs contrary to FABER's argu- ment that assimilated forms in the Dt stem such as ‫ַדֵּק‬ ‫ְט‬ ‫ִצ‬ ‫ה‬ 'he justified himself' prove that al- ready in ancient Hebrew the emphatics were pharyngealized, since pharyngealization spreads more than glottalization (FABER 1980, 140-41). However, FALLON, in his comprehensive study of ejectives, cites numerous examples of glottalic assimilation: e.g., Oromo /t ͡ ʃˀapˀ-ti/ [t ͡ ʃˀapˀtˀi] 'it (f.) breaks' and Northwest Caucasian /t-ʃˀəʁe/ [tˀʃˀəʁe] 'we made' (2002, 43, 48).
20. In ancient Hebrew, /m/ most likely represented a bilabial nasal [m] and /n/ an alveolar nasal [n]. These are their respective realizations in Tiberian Hebrew (KHAN 2013a, 90).
21. In the Secunda, Hebrew /m/ is normally represented with Greek µ: µαϊµ /maym/ [majm] 'waters' Ps. 32:6 ραββιµ /rabbı̄m/ [ʀabːı ː(m)] 'great' Ps. 89:51 σαλωµ /šɔ̄lōm/ [ʃɔːloːm] 'peace' Ps. 35:20
22. In Palestinian Koine, µ represented a bilabial nasal [m]. In transcription, /m/ in both Latin and Semitic is transcribed by µ (5.3.6). In Greek loanwords in the Mishnah, Greek µ is regularly rendered by ‫מ‬ in Hebrew (5.4.1.3.4). In the Secunda, /m/ is once represented by Greek β: βσεβωθαµ /b-šmōtam(m)/ [b(ɪ)ʃəmoːθa (m)] 'by their names' Ps. 49:12 YUDITSKY corrects βσεβωθαµ to βσεµωθαµ* (2017, 303), but it is possible that [m] became a fricative in partial assimilation to the preceding sibilant fricative [ʃ] and was realized as [β], represented by β (= [β]) in Greek (see 6.3.1.1). This may be compared to the transcription
23. In the Mehriyōt dialect of Mehri, for example, /k ̣/ has a glottalic initiation, whereas /t ̣/ and /s ̣/ are realized with pharyngeal contraction and tongue retraction (WATSON and BELLEM 2010). In the Mehreyyet dialect, on the other hand, each of the emphatics /k ̣/, /t ̣/, and /s ̣/ exhibits a different distribution of showing "ejective tokens." In both dialects, the emphatics tend to be accompanied by pharyngealization (WATSON 2012, 16). If pharyngealization began to occur in Hebrew earlier than suggested, /t ̣/ and /s ̣/ but not /q/ may have been pharyngealized by the time of the Secunda. We could then attribute the raising and fronting of vowels in the environment of /s ̣/ to the influence of the Greek accent of the scribe, since σ brought about raising in Greek also.
24. Other Greek translations support reading this as 'from the world' as phonologically transcribed.
25. The loss of final liquids occurs in Jibbali. The word µηοδ might also be compared to a phenomenon in Jibbali, in which /l/ is lost and the preceding vowel rounded, especially in monosyllabic nouns of the pattern CaCC (i.e., #CalC# > #CɔC#): e.g., */gald/ > [gɔd] (cf. MT ‫ֶד‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫)ח‬ (RUBIN 2014, 35, 37-38). Note also how Proto- Semitic *kalb is realized in Mehri as /kawb/ (RUBIN 2010, 17).
26. Note that YUDITSKY is not sure if ραννη should be read with α or ο (2017, 177). The correct reading is ραννη. Lowering of vowels in the environment of /r/ also occurs in external sources: σωρ ‫צוּר‬ 'rock' (Isa. 26:4). certain minimal pairs in the Secunda, such as the distribution of Greek ο and ω, are best ex- plained by assuming a real phonemic contrast in vowel duration. 305 6.4.1.2. Contemporary vs. Historical Orthography Previous scholars who have worked on the transcriptions concur that vowel quantity was present and phonemic in the Hebrew of the Secunda (e.g., BRØNNO 1943, 12; JANSSENS 1982, 51; YUDITSKY 2017, 45-61). They also point out that Greek η and ω are used to represent the Hebrew long vowels /ē/ and /ō/ and Greek ε and ο are used to represent the Hebrew short vowels /e/ and /o/. While this is a description, incorrect assumptions, resulting from a lack of precision and a lack of sensitivity to Greek orthography and phonology, have under- girded the approach. For example, the Greek vocalic graphemes η and ω are considered to be inherently long at the time of the Secunda (e.g., JANSSENS 1982, 20). Also, Greek ε and η are portrayed as differing only in length, ε representing short /e/ and η representing long /ē/ (e.g., YUDITSKY 2007a, 5; YUDITSKY 2017, 46). 306 Neither of these assumptions is consistent with the Greek evidence. First, in Palestin- ian Koine Greek of the Roman period-in fact, as early as the Koine Greek of the second century BCE (HORROCKS 2014, 169)-vowel-length distinctions had been neutralized and the Greek vocalic graphemes came to represent only quality (4.5.3.1.22). At the time of the Se- cunda, one reading Greek would not have made phonemic length distinctions, just as Jerome's contemporaries were unable to pronounce vowel length in Hebrew names correctly ā> ᴐ̄quality shift had ceased to operate (KHAN 1987, 45). We may summarize these changes as follows: (1) a- ā> a-ᴐ, (2) stressed vowels in certain words subsequently lengthened, and (3) e-ē> ε-ē. While there is some evidence for (1) in the Secunda, there is counter-evidence for (2), which suggests that phonemic length was still been present in Secunda Hebrew. Note, however, that there may be evidence for (2) in Chrysostom's transcriptions ωµ ‫ֹם‬ ‫ח‬ 'heat' (< */h ̣omm/) and ην ‫ֵן‬ ‫ח‬ 'favor' (< */h ̣enn/) (Fragmenta in Jeremiam, 64.969.50-51).
27. Because ο and ω both represent [o] in Palestinian Koine Greek during the Roman period, the best interpretation of their complementary distribution in the Secunda, attested in such minimal patterns (minimal pairs are not always attested) as the imperative ζχορ 'remember!' (Ps. 89:48) and the nominal βχωρ 'firstborn' (Ps. 89:28), is that ω is utilized to represent long /ō/, despite the fact that it no longer represented a long vowel in Greek at the time of the composition of the Secunda (4.5.3.1.22).
28. In his dissertation, YUDITSKY states that "in Greek, long e and short e are represented by different [graphemes]: η for the long [vowel] and ε for the short [vowel]" (my translation) (2007a, 5). In his monograph, YUDITSKY describes Greek ε as "a short front middle vowel, lower than /i/ and higher than /a/" and η as "a long front middle vowel, lower than /i/ and higher than /a/" (my translation) (2017, 46).
29. Secunda, etymological short */i/ is usually transcribed by ε, which represents an open- mid front vowel [ε] (or true mid [e̞ ]) in Roman Palestinian Koine (4.5.3.1.10) (for the phonet- ic transcription of /e/ as [ɪ], see further below for discussion): σεµα /s émh ̣ɔ̄/ [sɪmħɔː] 'joy' Ps. 30:12 λεβ /leb(b)/ [lɪb] 'heart' Ps. 32:11 ελλελθ /h ̣ellelt/ [ħɪlːɪlt h ] 'you profaned' Ps. 89:40 Etymological long /ı̄/, on the other hand, is usually transcribed in the Secunda by ι, which represents a close front vowel [i] in Roman Palestinian Koine (4.5.3.1.1): δερχι /derkı̄/ [dɪʀk h iː] 'my way' Ps. 18:33 σαδδικιµ /s ̣addı̄qı̄m/ [ʦˀadːiːkˀı ː(m)] 'righteous ones' Ps. 32:11 νηχιµ /nēkı̄m/ [neːχı ː(m)] 'wretches' Ps. 35:15
30. BLAU (1984, 77) comes to a similar conclusion in his review of JANSSENS (1982). εττη /het ̣t ̣ē/ [hɪtˀːeː] 'incline!' Ps. 31:3 There are also about five instances in which ε represents the initial vowel of the piˁel stem: 342 χελλωθαµ /kallōtam(m)/ [k h aelːoːθa (m)] 'annihilating them' Ps. 18:38 φελλετηνι /pallet ̣ēnı̄/ [p h aelːɪtˀeːniː] 'rescue me!' Ps. 31:2 εελλελεχ* /ʔhallelek(k)/ [ʔaehaelːɪlɪk h ] 'I will praise you' Ps. 35:18
31. Even before gutturals, the prefix vowel of the qal stem is represented with ε: 343 ϊεζεβου /yeʕzbū/ [jɪʕzəβuː] 'they will abandon' Ps. 89:31 ουϊερογου /w-yeh ̣r(o)gū/ [(ʔ)ujɪħʀʊʁuː] 'and they will tremble' Ps. 18:46 There is one instance in which the initial vowel of the qal stem is represented with ε: 344 σεωθι /ša(h ̣)h ̣ōtı̄/ [ʃaeħoːθiː] 'I was bowed down' Ps. 35:14 In a few construct forms, expected /a/ is also transcribed with ε: 345 βααδαρεθ /b-hadrat/ [bahaðaʀaeθ] 'in raiment of' Ps. 29:2 βιεδ /b-yad/ [b(i)jaeð] 'into the hand of' Ps. 31:9 µεϊεδ /mey-yad/ [mɪjːaeð] 'from the hand of' Ps. 89:49 In guttural and geminate Qatl(-at)* nominal forms, expected /a/ is also transcribed with ε: 346 θεθ /teh ̣t/ or /tah ̣t/ [t h ɪħt h ]/[t h aeħt h ] 'under' Ps. 18:39 ρεκ /raq(q)/ [ʀaekˀ] 'only' Ps. 32:6
32. On the basis of the forms ουβαρεχ ‫ָרֵ°‬ ‫וּב‬ (Ps. 28:9), ζαµµερου* ‫ְרוּ‬ ‫ַמּ‬ ‫ז‬ (Ps. 30:5), and φαλητ ‫ֵט‬ ‫ַלּ‬ ‫פ‬ (Ps. 32:7), instances of ε in the stem of the piˁel are regarded as reflecting a raised [ae] realization of Hebrew short /a/.
33. There is a tendency for the pattern of the strong qal non-stative verb (qɔ̄tal, qōtēl, yeqtol) to be generalized across the paradigm in the Secunda. For example, originally stative *ḥ apis ̣ē(MT ‫ֵי‬ ‫ֵצ‬ ‫ֲפ‬ ‫)ח‬ is realized as ωφση (Ps. 35:27) and original *tisʕadēnı̄(MT ‫ִי‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ָדֵ‬ ‫ְע‬ ‫ס‬ ‫)תִּ‬ as θεσοδηνι (Ps. 18:36). It is assumed, then, that the /e/ prefix vowel in I-guttural qal forms, represented by Greek ε, is the result of analogy to the qal strong verb: *kɔ̄tab : *yektob :: *ʕɔ̄zab : ? ( > *yeʕzob).
34. On the basis of a comparison with Jerome's calloth ‫ַלּוֹתָ‬ ‫ק‬ (SIEGFRIED 1884, 41), the ε in this form likely reflects a raised realization [ae] of Hebrew short /a/, though raising could also be due to the sibilant (see 6.3.2).
35. Greek ε reflects a raised realization [ae] of Hebrew short /a/ in these instances (see 6.4.3.2.2.1), though the ε in βιεδ and µεϊεδ may be due to assimilation to /y/ (see YUDITSKY 2017, 96-98).
36. The form ‫תחת‬ may have had an alternate pattern (i.e., *qitl). It is assumed that Greek ε in ρεκ reflects a raised [ae] realization of Hebrew short /a/, though raising may also be due to the ‫ק‬ (see YUDITSKY 2017, 96).
37. On the basis of a comparison with forms like ουαϊαλεζ ‫ז‬Äֲ ‫ַע‬ ‫ַיּ‬ ‫ו‬ (Ps. 28:7) and ουαθθεµας ‫ְאָס‬ ‫מ‬ ‫ַתִּ‬ ‫ו‬ (Ps. 89:39) and the realization of wayyiqtol throughout the various traditions of Hebrew, it is assumed that Greek ε reflects a raised [ae] realization of Hebrew short /a/.
38. Note that the two consecutive digraphs ει + ει in σειειµ could reflect the following change: -iyyı̄-> -ı̄ʔı̄-.
39. Note the dubious transcription βσαιµ ‫ֵם‬ ‫ְשׁ‬ ‫בּ‬ (Ps. 118:26) found in external sources. the Secunda, is divided into two main parts. The first part (6.5.1) addresses the phonetic and phonemic status of shewa and the nature of word-initial and word-medial consonant clusters. The second part (6.5.2) addresses final consonant clusters mainly through the lens of segho- late nouns. My analysis of both shewa and syllable structure in the Secunda follows, to a large degree, KHAN's work on shewa and syllable structure in Tiberian and Babylonian (1987; 2013a, 98-107; 2013b; 2013h) and KIPARSKY's work on syllables and moras in Arabic (2003).
40. Secunda, the parallel of Tiberian vocalic shewa is usually left unrepresented: βδαµι /b-dɔ̄mı̄/ [b(a)ðɔːmiː] 'in my blood' Ps. 30:10 φλαγαυ /plɔ̄gaw/ [p h (a)lɔːʁaw] 'its streams' Ps. 46:5 βνη /bnē/ [b(a)neː] 'the sons of' Ps. 89:48 Less frequently, it is represented with Greek α: νακαµωθ /n(a)qɔ̄mōt/ [nakˀɔːmoːθ] 'vengeances' Ps. 18:48 βαφιεµ /b-pı̄hem(m)/ [baɸiːhɪ (m)] 'with their mouth' Ps. 49:14 χαµω /k(a)mō/ [k h amoː] 'like' Ps. 89:47 Still less frequently, it is represented with Greek ε: σερουφα /s ̣rūpɔ̄/ [ʦˀəʀuːɸɔː] 'refined' Ps. 18:31 σεµω /šmō/ [ʃəmoː] 'his name' Ps. 29:2 λεβουσι /lbūšı̄/ [ləβuːʃiː] 'my clothing' Ps. 35:13 It may also assimilate to the vowel of a following guttural: µηηρα /mhērɔ̄/ [meheːʀɔː] 'speedily' Ps. 31:3 βεεζδαχ /b-h ̣esdɔ̄k/ [bɪħɪzdɔːχ] 'in your mercy' Ps. 31:8 µεεθθα /mh ̣ettɔ̄/ [mɪħɪt h ːɔː] 'a terror' Ps. 89:41 The issues regarding shewa in the Secunda range from the question of its very existence to its phonetic realization and phonemic status. In this section, we will begin with a general review of the concept of schwa in modern linguistics and shewa in Biblical Hebrew. Here I should note that I follow the convention of the Encyclopedia of Hebrew Language and Linguistics by using the term "schwa" to refer either to the vowel of neutral quality (represented in the IPA by [ə]) or to the concept of schwa in modern linguistics and the term "shewa" to refer (F1) of schwa is higher (i.e., the vowel is lower) than the surrounding high vowels also in- creases when the schwa is between two labials instead of just one (FLEMMING 2007, 14-15). 386 5) in the theme vowel of qal prefix verbal forms that have undergone reduction: ιασαβου /yah ̣šbū/ [jaħʃaβuː] 'they think' Ps. 35:20 ϊεζεβου /yeʕzbū/ [jɪʕzəβuː] 'they will abandon' Ps. 89:31
41. Alternation with zero in these patterns is shown by the parallel ουϊφρου ‫ְרוּ‬ ‫ְפּ‬ ‫ַח‬ ‫ְי‬ ‫ו‬ (Ps. 35:26) and ιεµρου ‫ְרוּ‬ ‫ְמ‬ ‫ֶח‬ ‫י‬ (Ps. 46:4)-but note that ουϊφρου is III-/r/ and ιεµρου is II-/m/ and III-/r/. 387
42. However, because two consonants intervene between the vowel to which shewa is supposed to assimilate, it is also possible that ε and α here simply reflect reduction and centralization. Finally, it should be noted that all the instances in the Secunda in which a shewa vow- el changes quality in assimilation to an adjacent consonant could also potentially reflect an assimilatory tendency of variable schwa (for the various effect of consonants on vowels, see section 6.3 and YUDITSKY [2017, 86-98]). From external sources, in this case Cod. 86 of the LXX, we may also add the transcription λαβανι ‫ִי‬ ‫ְנ‬ ‫ִב‬ ‫,ל‬ in which shewa is realized as a non-historical /a/. Though the lack of syncope is a separate issue-we would expect **λβνι, **λαβνι, or **λεβνι-it is possible that shewa assimilated to the previous /a/ vowel of the preposition /l-/.
43. Postulating the existence of a variable schwa in the Secunda is also supported by oth- er contemporary Hebrew evidence. Assimilation of shewa to a following vowel, even across non-guttural consonants, is attested in the LXX (e.g., Σοδοµα ‫ְדוֹם‬ ‫ס‬ and Γοδολιας ‫ָהוּ‬ ‫ְי‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ְדַ‬ ‫,)גּ‬ the Dead Sea Scrolls (e.g., ‫סודום‬ || ‫ְדוֹם‬ ‫ס‬ and ‫עומרה‬ || ‫ה‬ ‫ֲמוֹרָ‬ ‫,)ע‬ and Mishnaic Hebrew (e.g., || ‫ִיד‬ ‫ְס‬ ‫בּ‬ 386. But cf. methnosasoth ‫ְסוֹת‬ ‫נוֹס‬ ‫ִתְ‬ ‫מ‬ (Zech. 9:16) in Jerome, in which case this explanation would not work.
44. See 6.5.1.3.2. YUDITSKY argues that these forms should be vocalized with an epenthetic between the first and second radicals: i.e., ουϊφρου = wyiḥ iprūand ιεµρου = yiḥ emrū/yiḥ e mrū(2017, 47, 121-22). However, there are at least two arguments against YUDITSKY's interpretation. First, the prothetic epenthesis to which he appeals, characteristic of the Babylonian tradition, does not occur for the root ‫חפ"ר‬ in Babylonian Hebrew (YEIVIN 1985, 458). Second, the only other instance of a I-/h ̣/ and II-sonorant verb in the Secunda does not exhibit prothetic epenthesis: ‫גוּ‬ ‫ְרְ‬ ‫ַח‬ ‫ְי‬ ‫ו‬ ουϊερογου (Ps. 18:46). It seems more conservative with the data, then, to assume that ουϊφρου and ιεµρου do not exhibit any irregular syllabification patterns.
45. 5.1.4.1. Frequency of Sonorants and Sibilants in Complex Onsets Complex onsets ((C).CCv) are often broken up by the insertion of an epenthetic in the Secun- da (see 6.5.1.3.1). 393 There are, however, numerous instances in which a complex onset is rep- resented in transcription without an intervening vowel. These are listed below; onsets with gutturals, onsets with yod, and complex onsets beginning with the prepositions /b-/, /k-/, and /l-/ have been excluded, since each of these categories seems to have special conventions: 394 σµα, σµαε* /šmaʕ/ [ʃmaʕ] 'listen!' Ps. 28:6, 30:11
46. βνη /bnē/ [b(a)neː] 395 'sons of' Ps. 29:1 (+4x)
47. In some cases, I have enclosed a vowel in parentheses in my phonetic transcription (e.g., [(
48. This is because there is evidence from parallel forms that a vowel may have been pronounced in such an environment, µσουδωθ /ms ̣ūdōt/ [mʦˀuːðoːθ] 'fortresses' Ps. 31:3 ' Ps. 49:11 βχωρ /bkōr/ [bχoːʀ] 'firstborn' Ps. 89:28 σφωθαϊ /s ṕōtay(y)/
49. 'my lips' Ps. 89:35 βριθ(ι) /brı̄t/; /brı̄tı̄/ [bʀiːθ]; [bʀiːθiː] 'covenant of'; 'my ... ' Ps. 89:35, 40
50. µσιαχ /mšı̄h ̣ɔ̄k/ [m(ɪ)ʃiːħɔːχ] 'your anointed' Ps. 89:39, 52
51. SCHWARZWALD 2013) and are consequently broken up by an epenthetic. This differs from Tiberian, in which such sequences are geminated unless the first vowel is long: e.g., ‫י‬ ‫רִ‬ ‫ַרְ‬ ‫ה‬ [haʀːiː] but ‫ְקוּ‬ ‫ָק‬ ‫ל‬ [lɔːqaquː] (KHAN 2013h, 545). In Middle Babylonian, the first resh has a vo- calic segment in similar forms: e.g., yE rr] h' (YEIVIN 1985, 798). In two examples, one in the palimpsest and one in external sources, the OCP may block expected syncope (see 6.3.1.3): βρεδεθι /b-redtı̄/ [bəʀɪðɪθiː] 'when I go down' Ps. 30:10 ιελεδεθεχ* /yledtek(k)/ [jəlɪðəθɪk h ] 'I have begotten you' Ps. 110:3
52. Diachronically, these forms derive from *ba-ridtı̄and *yaladtı̄kā. Synchronically, the forms presumably derive from *redt + ı̄and *yaladt + *ek. At the post-lexical level, the final conso- nant cluster in the non-suffixed forms *redt and *yaladt would have been resolved by an epenthetic and likely realized as something like [ʀɪðɪθ] and [jɔːləðəθ]. When the pronominal object suffix was added to the verb, the series of CvCvCv at the end of the word should have resulted in syncope: *ρεδεθ + *ι > **ρεδθι; *ιελεδεθ + *εκ > **ιελεδθεχ. It seems that syn- cope was blocked by the homorganic articulation of /d/ and /t/ according to the OCP. 404
53. Second, in two construct forms from original *qatalat, in which we would expect syn- cope in light of the principles outlined above, a medial /a/ is present: ουαναυαθαχ /w-ʕanwɔ̄tɔ̄k/ [(ʔ)uʕanawɔːθɔːχ] 'and your humility' Ps. 18:36
54. βααδαρεθ /b-hadrat/ [bahaðaʀaeθ] 'in raiment of' Ps. 29:2 The only other construct form from original *qatalat in the Secunda (βσεδκαθαχ) exhibits syncope. Previous scholars have explained the lack of syncope in ουαναυαθαχ and βααδαρεθ as indicative of either the preservation of the original vowel or the derivation of the form from a variant pattern (see YUDITSKY 2017, 191-93). There is, however, a more likely expla- nation. According to the Syllable Contact Law (SCL), which has been found to be valid for Hebrew in two studies of ‫פ"ח‬ verbs (DECAEN 2003; ALVESTAD and EDZARD 2009, 51), a fall in sonority is preferred in the transition from the end of one syllable to the beginning of another.
55. Compare also the Modern Hebrew form lama ́deti ‫ַדְתִּי‬ ‫ָמ‬ ‫ל‬ (cf. pata ́xti ‫ְתִּי‬ ‫ָתַח‬ ‫)פּ‬ (SCHWARZWALD 2013, 573).
56. Secunda, the conjunction waw /w-/ is usually represented only by ου (99x): ουλω /w-lō(ʔ)/ [(ʔ)uloː] 'and not' Ps. 18:38 ουγιλου /w-gı̄lū/ [(ʔ)uʁiːluː] 'and rejoice!' Ps. 32:11 ουβαρουχ /w-bɔ̄rūk/ [(ʔ)uβɔːʀuːχ] 'and blessed' Ps. 18:47
57. Aside from those instances in which it is prefixed to a vayyiqtol past-tense form (e.g., ουαϊαλεζ ‫ז‬Äֲ ‫ַע‬ ‫ַיּ‬ ‫ו‬ [Ps. 28:7]; ουαθθεµας ‫ְאַס‬ ‫מ‬ ‫ַתִּ‬ ‫ו‬ [Ps. 89:39]), the conjunction ου /w-/ is only fol- lowed by a vowel in eight instances, which can essentially be categorized into two groups (see YUDITSKY 2017, 230-32). 413
58. First, ου is transcribed with a vowel when /w-/ is followed by a word with an initial consonant cluster: ουαρηµ /w-rʕēm/ [waʀʕeːm] 'and shepherd them!' Ps. 28:9 ουαλσωνι /w-lšōnı̄/ [walʃoːniː] 'and my tongue' Ps. 35:28 ουαδου /w-dʕū/ [waðʕuː] 'and know!' Ps. 46:11 ουεβροβ /w-b-rob(b)/ [wɪβʀʊb]/[wəβʀʊb] 'and in the abundance of' Ps. 49:7
59. YUDITSKY concludes that the vowel in wa-, while typically not transcribed, is indicated in pre-tonic position in pause and before a consonant cluster (2017, 231). My analysis of the data leads to similar conclusions.
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