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Adiego (2019) A Kingdom for a Carian Letter

Profile image of Ignasi-Xavier Adiego LajaraIgnasi-Xavier Adiego Lajara

2019, Luwic dialects and Anatolian BARCINO MONOGRAPHICA ORIENTALIA Volume 12, Series Anatolica et Indogermanica 1

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44 pages

Abstract

In this paper the consequences of changing the value of a single Carian letter are explored: the letter Masson 36, for which a value z had been assumed, is here redeciphered. The results are certainly striking: the new decipherment not only offers good results in the inscriptions C.My 1 and C.Ki 1, but it reveals a complete dating formula in the bilingual of Hyllarima (C.Hy 1), where the fourth year of the king Philip Arrhidaios is mentioned. This has many consequences, both linguistic and historical, which I try to analyse here, albeit in a preliminary way. Other consequences of this decipherment can also be envisaged: the interpretation of the enigmatic inscriptions C.Ke 1 and C.Ke 2 or the real value of the letter Masson 42 used in Egypt, which in all likelihood is a simple variant of 36 = l. Apart from all these results, the new decipherment opens up new pathways of analysis of the Carian alphabet.

Key takeaways
sparkles

AI

  1. The letter 9 is redefined from a presumed value 'z' to 'l', impacting multiple Carian inscriptions.
  2. Hyllarima's bilingual stele provides a complete dating formula referencing Philip III's fourth year, c. 320 BC.
  3. Decipherment reveals new connections between Carian names and geographical locations, enhancing historical understanding.
  4. The study proposes 'qmoλš' as the Carian word for 'priests', linking to Luwic terms.
  5. This work aims to rethink Carian alphabet interpretations, opening new avenues for linguistic analysis.
Figures (9)
This proposal has always been present in the discussion on Carian, but has not been fully accepted. The first inscription is from Memphis, and the second one is of unknown origin, and so the provenance cannot help to establish the identification; asserting that this latter inscription of unknown origin may come from Halicarnas- sus would be a circular reasoning! Moreover, the morphological analysis was un- clear: alosdkarnos6 seems to point to two different words, inflected in the same way or accompanied by parallel clitics. So we would have alos karnos as the form of the place name. But then, how do we explain E.Me 45, where after an onomastic formula, an ethnic name rather than a place name would be expected? Certainly, these are not insurmountable objections, but without additional evidence for the indigenous name of Halicarnassus they inevitably weaken the hypothesis. A further, more serious, objection was the fact that certain coins, judged by posed that AAOMXAFYOM aloskarnos in an Egyptian stele (E.Me 45, Fig. 1) and AAOMAXAFYOMA alosékarnoso in an inscription on a recipient (C.xx.2, Fig 2) could be the Carian forms of the place name of Halicarnassus (Adiego 1990b:135).
This proposal has always been present in the discussion on Carian, but has not been fully accepted. The first inscription is from Memphis, and the second one is of unknown origin, and so the provenance cannot help to establish the identification; asserting that this latter inscription of unknown origin may come from Halicarnas- sus would be a circular reasoning! Moreover, the morphological analysis was un- clear: alosdkarnos6 seems to point to two different words, inflected in the same way or accompanied by parallel clitics. So we would have alos karnos as the form of the place name. But then, how do we explain E.Me 45, where after an onomastic formula, an ethnic name rather than a place name would be expected? Certainly, these are not insurmountable objections, but without additional evidence for the indigenous name of Halicarnassus they inevitably weaken the hypothesis. A further, more serious, objection was the fact that certain coins, judged by posed that AAOMXAFYOM aloskarnos in an Egyptian stele (E.Me 45, Fig. 1) and AAOMAXAFYOMA alosékarnoso in an inscription on a recipient (C.xx.2, Fig 2) could be the Carian forms of the place name of Halicarnassus (Adiego 1990b:135).
ASO — sometimes abbreviated AS, which read azo, az — which was hardly compat: ible with aloskarnos (see fig. 3). —_—_—_—_e—eo—r—o—e However, Konuk’s proposal comes up against serious difficulties. The equiva- lence azo = Kasolaba is hard to accept, due to the absence of k in the Carian form. Konuk adduced cases like huBdtoe¢ vs. KuBaioosic (plural ethnic of the Carian place name KvBAtoo/oc/, Zgusta 1984 § 1396, Bliimel 1998[2012]:172) or Ypmpoc vs. Kup@pos (variants of the Carian place name Evpwpoc, Zgusta 1984 § 1412, Bliimel 1998[2012]:185), but both examples show an alternance of «/h/g before v. No cases of such an alternance are attested when k precedes a. Moreover, there is a possible example of the name Kasolaba in Carian inscriptions: in a funerary stele from Saqqara we find the word ksolb-s (E.Me 43), which is undeniably related to Kasolaba: very probably, according to a hypothesis formulated by Janda (1994:176) this is an ethnic name, indicating Kasolaba as the place of origin of a Caromemphite. This ksolb- is difficult to reconcile with azo. Therefore Koaniik’c identification to Kacalaha haced eyclicively an lnonictic
ASO — sometimes abbreviated AS, which read azo, az — which was hardly compat: ible with aloskarnos (see fig. 3). —_—_—_—_e—eo—r—o—e However, Konuk’s proposal comes up against serious difficulties. The equiva- lence azo = Kasolaba is hard to accept, due to the absence of k in the Carian form. Konuk adduced cases like huBdtoe¢ vs. KuBaioosic (plural ethnic of the Carian place name KvBAtoo/oc/, Zgusta 1984 § 1396, Bliimel 1998[2012]:172) or Ypmpoc vs. Kup@pos (variants of the Carian place name Evpwpoc, Zgusta 1984 § 1412, Bliimel 1998[2012]:185), but both examples show an alternance of «/h/g before v. No cases of such an alternance are attested when k precedes a. Moreover, there is a possible example of the name Kasolaba in Carian inscriptions: in a funerary stele from Saqqara we find the word ksolb-s (E.Me 43), which is undeniably related to Kasolaba: very probably, according to a hypothesis formulated by Janda (1994:176) this is an ethnic name, indicating Kasolaba as the place of origin of a Caromemphite. This ksolb- is difficult to reconcile with azo. Therefore Koaniik’c identification to Kacalaha haced eyclicively an lnonictic
A KINGDOM FOR A CARIAN LETTER
A KINGDOM FOR A CARIAN LETTER
IO NONE EOE IS I OO OEE We can hypothesize that the same phenomenon occurs in the alphabet of! Hyllarima. It is true that the presence of a form such as A to spell the name usov led me to think of a special letter for A other than A, but I am now convinced tha /\ was simply a variant of A in a different hand (and on a different date?) to write the names of lines 4 and 5 of column a (I recall that Schiirr had suggested to me per litteras when the inscription was published that A\ could be a variant of A): § 9.2. The alphabet of Hyllarima Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9
IO NONE EOE IS I OO OEE We can hypothesize that the same phenomenon occurs in the alphabet of! Hyllarima. It is true that the presence of a form such as A to spell the name usov led me to think of a special letter for A other than A, but I am now convinced tha /\ was simply a variant of A in a different hand (and on a different date?) to write the names of lines 4 and 5 of column a (I recall that Schiirr had suggested to me per litteras when the inscription was published that A\ could be a variant of A): § 9.2. The alphabet of Hyllarima Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9
The new decipherment of the letter S rules out its equivalence to )(, whose value as /st/ or identification o similar (transcribed <z>) seems beyond doubt thanks to the clear f some Carian names of Egyptian origin in Schiirr (1996). In Egypt, the graphic representation of the sounds / and d is identical to that seen in Sinuri or in Kaunos (in this latter case, with H as a simple rotated variant of I): A for /, I for X. As for t he letter )(, it must now be seen as a specific trait of the Carian alphabet of Egypt, only present outside Egypt in Kaunos and in some inscriptions of unknown origin (particularly C.xx.2, where it appears in the sequence izpemoane).
The new decipherment of the letter S rules out its equivalence to )(, whose value as /st/ or identification o similar (transcribed <z>) seems beyond doubt thanks to the clear f some Carian names of Egyptian origin in Schiirr (1996). In Egypt, the graphic representation of the sounds / and d is identical to that seen in Sinuri or in Kaunos (in this latter case, with H as a simple rotated variant of I): A for /, I for X. As for t he letter )(, it must now be seen as a specific trait of the Carian alphabet of Egypt, only present outside Egypt in Kaunos and in some inscriptions of unknown origin (particularly C.xx.2, where it appears in the sequence izpemoane).
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
Barcino. Monographica Orientalia 12 — Series Anatolica et Indogermanica | (2019) (ISBN: 978-84-9168-375-9)
An important detail is that it seems that the original aim of writing the names of the priests in a parallel way in Greek was abandoned. This initial aim seems clear, given the use of plural igpeisc ‘priests’. Perhaps the need to iterate the names in Greek was an idea initially bound to a certain external control (reflected in the use of a dating formula of the reign of Philip III. The decision to add the Carian names 2 and 3 (with a possible mistake, which suggests a certain lack of care, in contrast with the meticulous initial design) was probably an internal affair and the use of the Greek column was considered redundant. The third stage comprised the addition of the Carian name 4 in a different
An important detail is that it seems that the original aim of writing the names of the priests in a parallel way in Greek was abandoned. This initial aim seems clear, given the use of plural igpeisc ‘priests’. Perhaps the need to iterate the names in Greek was an idea initially bound to a certain external control (reflected in the use of a dating formula of the reign of Philip III. The decision to add the Carian names 2 and 3 (with a possible mistake, which suggests a certain lack of care, in contrast with the meticulous initial design) was probably an internal affair and the use of the Greek column was considered redundant. The third stage comprised the addition of the Carian name 4 in a different
In the fourth stage, a different hand added the Carian name 5 (Fig. 10). It was written in a strange form, using two lines when it was theoretically possible to write it in a single one, as it consists only of 12 letters and the preceding lines con- tained 14-15 letters. Might this indicate a certain awareness that it was the last name written in Carian?
In the fourth stage, a different hand added the Carian name 5 (Fig. 10). It was written in a strange form, using two lines when it was theoretically possible to write it in a single one, as it consists only of 12 letters and the preceding lines con- tained 14-15 letters. Might this indicate a certain awareness that it was the last name written in Carian?
In Adiego (2007:23, 150) I expressed some doubts about the true Carian character of these two stelae, as the first sign, |, apparently an iota, was alien to the Carian alphabet. Now, after establishing uwsot as the Carian word for ‘year’, the first sign makes sense as a numeral sign ‘one’. The use of a vertical stroke to represent the unit one is a banal procedure, and it is also attested in Carian in the two inscriptions from Karabournaki (Greece) published in Adiego-Tiverios-
In Adiego (2007:23, 150) I expressed some doubts about the true Carian character of these two stelae, as the first sign, |, apparently an iota, was alien to the Carian alphabet. Now, after establishing uwsot as the Carian word for ‘year’, the first sign makes sense as a numeral sign ‘one’. The use of a vertical stroke to represent the unit one is a banal procedure, and it is also attested in Carian in the two inscriptions from Karabournaki (Greece) published in Adiego-Tiverios-

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FAQs

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What significant insights emerged from interpreting the letter 9 in Carian inscriptions?add

The reassessment of letter 9 as equivalent to <ĺ> leads to new interpretations of inscriptions, including exact dating formulas in C.Hy 1 from the reign of Philip III (323-317 BC). This change reframes connections between place names like Halicarnassus and various coin legends.

How does the interpretation of alos k ̑arnos impact understanding of Carian geographical nomenclature?add

This paper confirms alos k ̑arnos as the Carian term for Halicarnassus, linking it with alos and the coin legend a9o. The findings suggest that alos k ̑arnos effectively references the place name, aiding future archaeological and historical investigations.

Why is the inscription from Hyllarima significant for Carian language studies?add

The bilingual inscription contains a complex dating formula identified as 'under the reign of Philip, in year four, in the month of Tarhunt,' highlighting linguistic parallels between Carian and Luwian word forms. This signifies advancing our comprehension of Carian syntax and religious contexts.

What does the analysis of the Mylasa context reveal about Carian surnames?add

The exploration of Mylasa inscriptions suggests that names indicated genealogical relationships through structures like 'name + father's name in genitive.' This offers new syntactic insights into the cultural and legal frameworks of the Carian society.

When were significant advancements made in the understanding of the Carian language?add

Major advancements occurred in 2019 with the re-evaluation of letter values, particularly 9, leading to comprehensive insights into the Carian inscriptions' dating and names, as discussed in Adiego's analysis. These findings challenge and expand existing interpretations of Carian texts.

About the author
Ignasi-Xavier Adiego Lajara
Universitat de Barcelona, Faculty Member
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In this paper, I shall briefly review the corpus of Archaic Carian inscriptions, going into detail only in some specific cases and leaving out the parts of the corpus that have been analysed in other studies.

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