Featured

Colonial North American History: Early Agriculture

The early colonists in Jamestown had little background in agriculture. They quickly adopted the crops and cultural methods of the Indigenous people, abandoning the modern wheat-based agriculture of Europe.

Maize soon became the principal grain for human and animal consumption, and beans and peas were widely grown for sustenance. At an early stage, tobacco became an important export crop. The early settlers also maintained good-sized herds of cattle, swine, and sheep.  

A wide array of plants was also grown in gardens for home use: carrots, leeks, parsnips, turnips, potatoes, artichokes, radishes, horseradish, beets, onions, shallots, garlic, chives, onions, lettuce, spinach, cress, parsley, asparagus, cabbage, watermelons, muskmelons, cucumbers, and pumpkins. European apples and peaches, pears, nectarines, and apricots were popular.

“Although wheat and other kinds of small grain were tried out in the early years of all the colonies, these crops occupied an unimportant place in the agriculture of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.” There were many reasons for this. Land had “to be fully cleared for small grain, while corn could be grown among the stumps and down timber, and even in the midst of trees killed by girdling. It could be planted in hills with the hoe without breaking up the intervening ground, an important advantage to pioneers who owned neither plows nor draft animals. Small grain was harder to harvest than corn, and thrashing was more laborious than husking. The average yield of small grain was considerably smaller than that of corn, and a much larger proportion of the small grain crop was required for seed …  Moreover, corn fodder was superior to wheat than straw as forage for stock … The relative disadvantages of small grain as compared with Indian corn in pioneer communities were especially serious because of the greater difficulty in preparing them for consumption. Corn could be pounded in a hollow block with a wooden pestle or grown with hand mills. Small grain required a more elaborate process of milling, usually justified only by considerable density of population.”  (Gray, 1933 – pg.161)

In the Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay colonies, maize was also the primary staple, although significant amounts of barley, rye, beans, peas, squash, and oats were also grown. Barley was grown for beer, and oats for animal fodder. In the early gardens, cabbages, turnips, onions, radishes, carrots, and parsnips were grown. Asparagus, cauliflower, and potatoes were added in the mid-1600s. They did not grow much tobacco in New England. Apples, pears, plums, quinces, and cherries were brought from Europe and widely planted.  Apples were the most popular fruits due to their hardiness and high yields, and they could be eaten fresh or processed into cider. Peaches did not do well in New England and fared better in the middle and southern colonies. Wine grapes generally failed in the northeast.

Cattle, sheep, swine, goats, and horses were widespread by the mid-1600s, although their initial introduction into the Plymouth colony was slow (Bidwell & Falconer, 1925). Plymouth had no cattle for the first three years, and by 1627 still had no horses or sheep. The Massachusetts Bay colony had 30 cows and 12 mares from the beginning, and high numbers of swine and goats. In 1623, the Mason plantation on the Piscataqua River had 58 cattle, 92 sheep and lambs, 27 goats, 64 pigs, and 22 horses. In 1648, the Trelawny plantation near Portland, Maine, had 57 cattle, 18 goats, and 52 pigs.

Horses were used mostly for riding and, to a much lesser extent, as draft animals. Oxen were generally preferred for plowing and other farm work, although plows were scarce in early New England settlements. The Pilgrims had none for 12 years, and by 1636, there were only 30 plows in the whole Massachusetts Bay colony.

It turned out that the native grasses were poor forage for livestock due to their high proportion of roughage to nutrition. In fact, “as long as the livestock had to rely on native grasses, they were in danger of starvation” (Bidwell and Falconer, 1925 – pg. 20). Timothy, Kentucky bluegrass and the red and white clovers were imported from Europe to rectify this situation, probably accidentally from the forage brought over to feed the animals on shipboard. Within a few years, these English grasses were “so common as to be considered Indigenous.”

In New England, livestock was generally held in common, fenced fields, often located on Islands or peninsulas to protect them from predators and minimize the need for fences. Sheep were often pastured separately with shepherds in residence. Swine were pastured at great distances from crops. After harvest, the livestock was allowed to pasture on the stubble.

During the colonial period, three distinct forms of agriculture evolved across eastern North America. In the Northern colonies, small family farms were the norm, which relied on the indigenous staples of corn, beans, and squash supplemented by Old World rye and oats. In the milder environments of the middle colonies, Old World wheat flourished, and by the mid-18th century, the farms therein became the breadbasket of the colonies. In the southern colonies, plantation agriculture took hold with giant tobacco, rice, indigo, and cotton farms.

Illustration. Thirteen Colonies of North America: Dark Red = New England colonies, Bright red = Middle Atlantic colonies, Red-brown = Southern colonies. Richard Zietz.

Bibliography:

Bidwell, P. W and Falconer, J. I. (1925). History of agriculture in the northern United States, 1620-1860 (No. 358). Carnegie Institution of Washington.

Gray, L. C. (1933) History of Agriculture in Southern U.S. to 1860. Carnegie Institute, Washington D. C.

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Sir Walters Raleigh’s first expedition to Roanoke

Queen Elizabeth directed Sir Walter in 1584 to organize the first English Expedition to North America. He put captains Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe in charge of two ships and sent them off on April 21. Also on board were the noted English mathematician, astronomer, and linguist Thomas Hariot and the artist and map maker John White.

Amadas and Barlowe took the southern route to North America, passing through the Canaries and West Indies, before they landed on July 4, 1584, on the Outer Banks of present-day North Carolina. On July 7, 1584, they saw their first Amerindians. As Barlowe (1880, p. 3) describes it … we spied one small boat rowing towards us, having in it three persons: this boat came to the land’s side, four harquebuses shot from our ships, and they’re two of the people remaining, the third came along the shore side towards us, and we being then all within the board, he walked up and down upon the point of the land next unto us: then the Master, and the Pilot of the Admiral, Simon Fernández, and the Captain Philip Amadas, myself, and others rowed to the land, whose coming this fellow attended, never making any show of fear or doubt. And after he had spoken of many things not understood by us, we brought him, with his own good liking, aboard the ships, and gave him a shirt, a hat, and some other things, and made him a taste of our wine, and our meat, which he liked very well: and after having viewed both barks, he departed and went to his own boat again

The next day, the English were visited by Granganimeo, the brother of Wingina, the chief of the local Roanoke. Wingina was head of villages at Secotan and Dasemunkepeuc on the mainland and another village on the north end of Roanoke Island, Ossomocomuck. He was accompanied by 40 to 50 men whom Barlowe (1880, p. 4) described as handsome and fine-looking … “When he came to the place, his servants spread a long matte upon the ground, on which he sat down, and at the other end of the mat, four others of his company did the like: the rest of his men stood round about him … l he beckoned vs to come, and sit by him, which we performed: and being settled, he makes all signs of joy, and welcome, striking on his head and his breast and afterward on ours, to showed we were all one, smiling, and making shows the best he could of all love, and familiarity.”

A few days later, Granganimeo came aboard the English ship, bringing his wife and children with him. As Barlowe (1880, p. 5) characterized the chief and his wife: “his wife was very favored, of mean stature, and very bashful: she had on her back a long cloak of leather, with the fur side next to her body, and before her, a piece of the same: about her forehead she had a broad band of white coral, and so had her husband many times: in her ears she had bracelets of pearls, hanging down to her middle …. he himself had upon his head, a broad plate of gold, or copper … His apparel was as his wives, only the women wear their hair long on both sides, and the men but on one …”

On July 13, 1584, the explorers followed an inlet leading to the island called Roanoke by the locals.   Barlowe and seven of his companions sailed towards the island’s northern end, where they found the Amerindian village of Ossomocomuck surrounded by a palisade.

In Barlow’s (1880, p. 7) words: “when we came towards it, standing near unto the side of the water, the wife of Granganimo the Kings brother came running out to meet us very cheerfully and friendly, her husband was not then in the village; some of her people she commanded to draw our boat on shore for the beating of the billow: others she appointed to carry us on their backs to the dry ground, and others to bring our oars into the house for fear of stealing. When we were come into the other room, having five rooms in her house, she caused us to sit down by a great fire, and after took off our clothes and washed them, and dried them again: some of the women plucked off our stockings and washed them, some washed our feet in warm water, and she herself took great pains to see all things ordered in the best manner she could, making great haste to dress some meat for us to eat.”

In mid-August 1584, Amadas and Barlowe returned to England, with two locals onboard, Manteo, and Wanchese. Wanchese was of the Roanoke people and perhaps a werowance, while Manteo was a Croaan, a smaller, related nation. They had been sent by Wingina, and “their assignment was to cross over into English culture and bring back as much intelligence as possible about these strangers who might become useful allies” (Lowrey, 2018, p. 23). Because the English explorers had treated the Amerindians of the Roanoke region with respect and dignity, Wingina likely came to consider the English as valuable allies and trading partners.

Upon arriving in London, Manteo and Wanchese became guests of Sir Walter at his home Durham House, where he kept them under rigid control and made them dress as Englishmen. He intended to use them as a hook to drum up financial support for his colonial adventures and as a soundboard to learn as much as possible about the culture of the Indigenous people of southern Virginia. Sir Walter enlisted Thomas Harriot to learn the Algonquian language from the two and compose a dictionary.

Illustration: 1585 map of the east coast of North America from the Chesapeake Bay to Cape Lookout by John White (British Museum).

Bibliography:

Barlowe, A. (1880). Old South Leaflets 92. The first Voyage made to the coasts of America, with two barks, wherein were captains M. Philip Amadas and M. Arthur Barlowe, who discovered part of the countrey now called Virginia, Anno 1584. Academic Affairs Library, University of North Carolina. https://archive.org/details/firstvoyagetoroa00barl/page/n1/mode/2up

Evans, P. W. (2006). Amadas and Barlowe Expedition. Encyclopedia of North Carolina, University of North Carolina Press. https://www.ncpedia.org/amadas-and-barlowe-expedition

Lowrey, M. M. (2018). The Lumbee Indians: An American struggle. The University of North Carolina Press.

Wolfe, B. (2022). Roanoke Colonies. Encyclopedia Virginia. https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/roanoke-colonies-the

Featured

Precolonial North American History: England emerges as a sea power

While Spain and France were sparring for control of southeastern Atlantic America throughout most of the 16th century, England was largely content to focus on its North Sea fisheries.

England did not emerge as a sea power until 1552 when Queen Elizabeth began sending the privateers John Hawkins and Francis Drake to seize and plunder Spanish and Portuguese ships off the coast of West Africa and then the Caribbean. As England began to flex its sea muscles, influential writers such as Richard Hakluyt (1552 – 1616) and John Dee (1527 – 1609) started pressuring Elizabeth to build her own overseas empire.

Queen Elizabeth gave her blessing to three major expeditions within a decade of each other to get into the action. Two of these were sent to the North Atlantic far from Spain’s reach in La Florida – Martin Frobisher to Greenland and Baffin Island in 1576 and Humphrey Gilbert to Newfoundland in 1583. Only the third intruded directly into the territory claimed by Spain – an attempt by Sir Walter Raleigh to settle North Carolina in 1584.

Walter Raleigh was perhaps the most notable and colorful Elizabethan-era figure. Born in 1552, he came to serve the British royalty in multiple capacities, including fighting the rebellion in Ireland, defending England against the Spanish Armada, leading several missions as a privateer, and serving at the head of several efforts to colonize America. He became the most trusted advisor of Queen Elizabeth I and served in several political positions under her.

When his half-brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, was killed at sea after taking possession of Newfoundland in 1578, the way was cleared for Raleigh to seek his own grant to explore and settle America. He started his campaign by soliciting Hakluyt  to present to the queen a forceful argument for colonization of North America, entitled “A Particuler Discourse Concerninge the Greate Necessitie and Manifolde Commodyties That Are Like to Growe to This Realme of Englande by the Westerne Discoueries Lately Attempted, Written in the Yere 1584.”

This document contained 21 points, making the case for the colonization of North America. Among the most important were:

  • Colonization could enlarge the reach of the reformed church, of which Queen Elizabeth was the principal.
  • North America has all the commodities that England needs. 
  • The colonies could employ many currently idle men.
  • If we had our own New World ports, Spanish ships coming from the Caribbean could be more easily intercepted. 
  • England could find its own source of gold, ending Spanish dominance. 
  • Spanish control of the West Indies could be more effectively disrupted.
  • England could easily expand north of 23 degrees where there were no Spanish settlements.
  • Spanish cruelties in the West Indies were worse than the Turks in the Holy land.
  • Ireland would be a perfect jumping-off point for sailing west, without interfering with other nations’ trade.
  • The Queen can increase customs revenue from New World trade.
  • England could find a Northwest Passage to China.
  • If England gains land in the western hemisphere, it will force Spain to give up on the old Papal bull that gave the West Indies to the kings of Spain. 

Raleigh’s campaign was successful, and by December, “[he] had the support of both the Crown and the House of Commons, and on January 6, 1585, he was knighted during a celebration of the Twelfth Night of Christmas; shortly afterward, he assumed the title, Lord and Governor of Virginia, that revealed a new name for the queen’s colony.” (Wolf, 2022, n.p.) 

Queen Elizabeth granted him a royal charter like she had previously given Gilbert, authorizing him to explore, colonize and rule any “remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countries and territories, not actually possessed of any Christian Prince or inhabited by Christian People, in return for one-fifth of all the gold and silver that might be mined there” (Anonymous, 2022b, n.p.). This charter stipulated that Raleigh had seven years to establish a settlement or lose his right to do so.

The grant to Raleigh was part of Elizabeth’s three-pronged strategy in her war against Spain. The queen planned to send an army to the Netherlands to fight for the Protestants, Sir Francis Drake and other privateers to the West Indies to attack Spanish shipping, and colonists to the Chesapeake region to harvest local riches and establish a safe harbor for the English privateers. She also hoped the colonists would discover gold and silver and convert as many local people as possible to the Christian religion.

Illustration: Engraved portrait of Sir Walter Raleigh from the third edition of his History of the World in 1617 (Simon van de Passe).

Bibliography:

Anonymous (2022). Charter to Sir Walter Raleigh: 1584. The Avalon Project. Yale Law School, Lillian Goldman Law Library. https://avalon.law.yale.edu/16th_century/raleigh.asp

Wolfe, B. (2022). Roanoke Colonies. Encyclopedia Virginia. https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/roanoke-colonies-the

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Monhegan Island – The cradle of New England

Monhegan Island, a unique landmass nestled twelve nautical miles into the Gulf of Maine, may appear diminutive at 4.5 square miles, 1.75 miles long, and 0.75 miles wide. However, its historical significance is far from small. This unassuming island played a surprisingly pivotal role in the European discovery of New England.   

Bartholomew Goswald, a true pioneer, was the first European explorer to venture into the Gulf of Maine, landing on the coast at Cape Elizabeth or nearby in 1602. The first explorer to step foot on Monhegan was likely Martin Pring in 1603, on his way to the Pamet River on Cape Cod to harvest what was believed to be a wonder drug – sassafras. Regrettably, he left no specific record of his stay on Monhegan.

The second explorer to land on Monhegan, was George Waymouth, in the Archangel, on May 17, 1605. As his chronicler, James Rosier vividly describes:  “… at about sixe a clocke at night we descried the land, which bare from vs North-North-East; but because it blew a great gale of winde, the sea very high and neere night, not fit to come upon an unknowen coast, we stood off till two a clocke in the morning, being Saturday; then standing in with it againe, we descried it by eight a clocke in the morning bearing North-East from us.  It appeared a meane high land, as we after found it, being but an Iland of some six miles in compasse, but I hope the most fortunate euer yet discoured.  About twelve a clocke that day, we came to an anker on the North side of this Iland, about a legue from the shore.  About two a clocke our Captaine with twelue men rowed in his ship boat to the shore, where we made no long stay, but laded our boat with dry wood of olde trees upon the shore-side and returned to our ship, where we rode that night.”

Rosier further describes: “This Iland is woody, grouen with Firre, Birch, Oke, and Beech, as farre as we saw along the shore; and so likely to be within. On the verge grow Gooseberries, Strawberries, Wild pease, and Wild rose bushes. The water issued forth down the Rocky cliffes in many places: and much fowl of divers kinds breed upon the shore and rocks. While we were at shore, our men aboord with a few hooks got aboue thirty great Cods and Hadocks, which gaue us a taste of the great plenty of fish which we found afterward wheresoeuer we went vpon the coast.” (Winship, 1905, p. 106)

Rosier recognized they had come upon a cod fishery superior to Newfoundland’s well-known coast. He reported that “in a short voyage [a] few good fishers [could] . . . make a more profitable returne from hence than from Newfoundland: the fishing being so much greater, better fed, and abundant with traine [train-oil]; of which some they desired and did bring into England to bestow among their friends, and to testifie the true report.”

This discovery of a great cod fishery would turn Monhegan into a beehive of activity, making it one of New England’s most important stops for about 30 years. Captain John Smith, of Jamestown fame, was sent to Monhegan in 1614 by Ferdinando Gorges, Governor of the port of Plymouth in England. He was told to hunt whales for oil and search for gold and copper mines, but fish and furs would be the backup if these endeavors failed. It was the backup that proved most profitable. As Smith related in his 1616 book, A Description of New England: We found this Whalefishing a costly conclusion – we saw many, and spent much time in chasing them; but could not kill any … For our gold, it was rather the Master’s device to get a voyage that projected it, than any knowledge he had at all of such a matter. Fish and Furs was now our guard ….”

Smith described Monhegan Island as a “round, high Ile, and close by it [is] Monanis betwixt, which is a small harbor where we ride.” He stated, “I made a garden upon the top of a Rockie Ile in 43 ½, 4 leagues from the Main, in May, that grew so well, as it served us for sallets in June and July. From Monhegan, Smith made an exploring trip along the coast of what he coined  “New England,” leaving his companions to fish.

By the time of Smith’s arrival, Monhegan’s harbor must have been a busy place. He wrote in his Description that in  1615, “foure good shippes” came and in 1616, four more ships sailed from London, and four from Plymouth. Smith also describes that in 1620, “six or seuen sayle from the west Countrey onely to fish.” In Smith’s “New England’s Trials,” published in 1622, he declares “the successe of 80 Ships employed thither within these eight years”.

In the mid-1620s, year-round fishing stations spread out from Monhegan all along the coast of New England. The first was at Damariscove, followed by Cape Newagen, Piscataqua, Pemaquid, and Richmond Island.

Cod fishing, which began at Monhegan, was New England’s first major economic activity.

Illustration: Monhegan, Maine (1922) by Nicholas Roerich (Google Art Project)

Bibliography

Arber, E. (Ed.) (1910) Travels and works of Captain John Smith. John Grant, Edinburgh.

Churchill, E. A. (1978) The Founding of Maine, 1600-1640: A Revisionist Interpretation. Maine History 18 (1): 21-54  

Jenny, C. F. (1921) The fortunate island of Monhegan: A historical monograph. Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society (pp. 299 – 357).

Smith, J. (1865) [1615] A Description of New England or Observations and Discoveries in the North of America in the Year of our Lord, 1615. William Veazie.

Winship, G. P. (1905) Sailors Narratives of Voyages Along the New England Coast, 1524-1624. Houghton-Mifflin & Co., Boston

Related blogs:

The great Sassafras hunt of Martin Pring.

https://wordpress.com/post/jameshancockcrophistories.wordpress.com/770

Captain John Smith maps New England.

https://wordpress.com/post/jameshancockcrophistories.wordpress.com/1108

How the cod fisheries built New England.

https://wordpress.com/post/jameshancockcrophistories.wordpress.com/780

Featured

Colonization of Maine: The Mawooshen Confederation

In about 1600, when the French and English were making their first contact with Maine, what had been mostly peaceful interactions between the Tarrentines and the other coastal people erupted into great violence. To defend themselves, the Etchemin west of the Kennebec and the southern Armouchiquois allied and formed the Mawooshen Confederation. It would encompass a 120-mile stretch of Maine from the Narraguagus River in the northeast to the Mousam River (at Kennebunk). A grand chief, Bashaba of Penobscot, would head the confederation.

A remarkable document describing Mawooshen was produced in England in 1605 or 1606 by Ferdinando Gorges, who hosted and interviewed the sagamore Tahánedo and the other four Etchemin abducted by George Waymouth. The original document does not exist, but a version entitled “Description of the Country of Mawooshen” was published unattributed in 1623 by Samuel Purchas in his Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes.   

The Country of Mawooshen describes the area as a series of nine river drainages extending from Mount Desert Island on the east to the Saco River on the west. Along each river are outlined the major villages, the number of men in each, and the most critical sagamores. Overall, Purchas lists 21 villages and 23 sagamores. He suggests there were a total of 1,238 homes and 3,000 warriors, yielding an estimated total population of about 10,000 (Snow, 1976).

As described by Purchas:

“In Mawooshen it seemeth there are nine Rivers, whereof the first to the East is called Quibiquesson [Frenchman Bay/Blue Hill Bay-Union River]; on which there is one Towne, wherein dwell two Sagamos or Lords, the one called Asticou,the other Abermot. In this Towne are fiftie houses, and 150 men. The name of which Towne is Precante [Ellsworth/Sorrento?]; this River runneth farre up into the Mayne, at the head thereof there is a Lake of great length and breadth; it is at the fall into the Sea tenne fathoms deepe, and halfe a mile over. The next is Pemaquid [lower Penobscot], a goodly River and very commodious all things considered; it is ten fathoms water at the entrance, and fortie miles up there are two fathoms and a halfe [15 feet] at low water; it is halfe a mile broad, and runneth into the Land North many daies journey: where is a great Lake of 18 leagues [54 miles] long and foure [12 miles] broad. In this Lake are seven great Ilands: toward the farthest end there falleth in a River, which they call Acaconstomed, where they passe with their Boates thirtie daies journey up, and from thence they goe over Land twentie daies journey more, and then come to another River [St. Lawrence], where they have a trade with Anadabis or Anadabion [Anadabijou, the Montagnais grandchief] with whom the Frenchmen have had commerce for a long time [at Tadoussac]1603]. Neere to the North of this River of Pemaquid [Penobscot] are three Townes: the first is Upsegon [Bangor], where Bashabes their chiefe Lord doth dwell. And in this Towne are sixtie houses, and 250 men, it is three daies journey within the Land. The second is Caiocame; the third Shasheekeing. These two last Townes are opposite one to the other, the River dividing them both, and they are two daies journey from the Towne of Bashabes. In Caiocame dwelleth Maiesquis, and in Shasheokeing Bowant, two Sagamos, subjects to Bashabes. Upon both sides of this River up to the very Lake, for a good distance the ground is plaine, without Trees or Bushes, but full of long Grasse, like unto a pleasant meadow, which the Inhabitants doe burne once a yeere to have fresh feed for their Deere.Beyond this Meadow are great Woods, whereof more shall be spoken hereafter. The River of Pemaquid is foure dayes journey from the mouth of Quibiquesson [Mount Desert Islandwaters]. . . . The River Shawakatoc [Saco] . . . is the Westermost River of the Dominions of Basshabez, and  Quibiquisson the [Eastern] most.“ (Prins and McBride, 2007, pp. 56-57)

Most of the locations outlined in Purchas were confirmed in a trip of Captain John Smith to the region in 1614, guided by none other than Tahánedo. As described by Baker (2004, p. 80): “Captain John Smith, a visitor to the coast of New England in 1614, clearly laid out the bounds of Bashaba’s lands and powers. He described the region from the Penobscot to the Sagadahoc as the land of Bashaba. He then added that ‘‘To these are allied in confederacy, the Countries of Aucocisco [Casco Bay], Accomynticus [Agamenticus], Passataquack [Piscataqua], Aggawom [Ipswich] and Naemkeck [Salem].’’ Here Smith essentially describes the territory of the Almouchiquois and indicates they were allies of Bashaba and the western Etchemin”.

The center of Mawooshan was at the grandchief’s great tribal rendezvous site at Pentagoet (Castine), at the mouth of the Bagaduce in eastern Penobscot Bay. In 1615, this spot became the location of a major fur trade post and stronghold that would be fought over by the French, and English, desiring the furs, moose hides, sealskins, and other goods that Wabanakis had to offer (Prins and McBride, 2007, p. ii).

Illustration: Symbol of the Wabanaki Union of Tribes, still in use. It was originally embroidered onto the ceremonial clothing of sakoms. Frank Speck (1927) Symbols In Penobscot art. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wabanaki_Confederacy#/media/File:Wabanaki_Union_Symbol.png

Bibliography

Baker, E. W. (2004). Finding the Almouchiquois: Native American Families, Territories, and Land Sales in Southern Maine. Ethnohistory, 51(1),  73-100.

Purchas, S. (Ed.) (1907) The Description of the Country of Mawooshan Discovered by the English in the Yeere 1602. In: Hakluytus, Posthumus, or Purchase his Pilgrims (Glasgow: J. MacLehose 8c Sons), vol. 19, pp. 400-05

Prins, H. E. L., & McBride, B. (2007). Asticou’s Island Domain: Wabanaki Peoples at Mount Desert Island 1500-2000. Acadia National Park. Ethnography Program. National Park Service. 

Featured

Early Contact Period: Fate of the Etchemin Abducted by Waymouth

It turned out that the captives Waymouth had abducted were much more important than he had initially realized. One named  Tahánedo was a sagamore of the region and a close relative of Bashabes, the paramount chief of the whole Etchemin-Abenaki Federation. Bashabes tried frantically to get the captives back, sending canoes filled with fur and tobacco for trade, but as Waymouth’s chronicler Rozier related, “this we perceived to be only a mere device to get possession of our men to ransom all those which he had taken” (Burrage, 1906).  

As Waymouth’s ship headed out to sea,  the Etchemin on shore assumed their compatriots had been killed. In fact, not long after Waymouth left,  Samuel de Champlain, on one of his coastal Maine voyages, met an indigenous trader on Mohegan Island who told him about the assumed murders.

On board, Rosier was charged with restoring good relations with the captive five and pumping them for information about New England. The abductees proved to be cooperative, and as Rosier stated, “Although at the time when we surprised them, they made their best resistance, not knowing our purpose, nor what we were, nor how we meant to use them; yet after perceiving by their kind usage we intended them no harm, they have never since seemed discontented with us,” and he called them “very tractable, loving, and willing by their best means to satisfy us in anything we demanded of them, by words or signs for their understanding … We have brought them to understand some English, and we understand much of their language; so as we can ask them many things” (Burrage, 1906).

The abductees were taken to southwest England and delivered to the Fort of Plymouth and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the commander of this coastal stronghold. Gorges kept three of the Etchemins,  Assacomet, Manido, and Skidwarres, at his manor in Devonshire, and the other two, Amooret and Tahánedo, he delivered to  Sir John Popham, then England’s Lord Chief Justice, who owned several manorial estates in Devonshire and Somerset counties.

The Etchemin from the wilds of Maine likely felt much more at ease at these rural estates than they would have in crowded cities filled with lethal diseases. “Although they were involuntary guests, they could have been given some freedom to hunt, fish, and gather, all to create long-term relationships” (Prins and McBride, 2012). 

Popham and Gorges had become interested in colonizing New England and were keen to obtain information from the “Mawooshen Five.” In his engaging article Alien Abductions, James Ring Adams (2015) wrote that Gorges left a record that he greatly enjoyed the company of his house guests. He praised them “for great civility far from the rudeness of our common people” and talked with them at length about their homeland. “And the longer I conversed with them, the better hope they gave me of those parts where they did inhabit, was proper for our uses.” Gorges would learn about the important rivers that ran into the land, the flora and fauna, the key leaders, and the major alliances.

Eventually, all the Mawooshen Five would be sent on missions back to Maine by Gorges, Popham, and the Plymouth Company. In August 1606, their first ship, Richard, set sail under the command of Captain Henry Challons with Assacomet and Manido on board. Their instructions were to make for Cape Breton and then head southwest; instead, Challons detoured to the West Indies, where all were taken prisoner by a Spanish fleet somewhere off the coast of Puerto Rico. Challons would not get free until late 1608. Manido probably died while in Spanish hands. Assacomet was eventually ransomed and moved back in with Gorges in Plymouth.  In 1614, he would return to New England when Gorges put him on a boat commanded by Nicholas Hobson that explored Martha’s Vineyard in search of gold. Traveling with them was another abductee, Epenow. who would escape. The fate of Assacomet is unrecorded.

A second ship sent out in 1606, under Captain Thomas Hanham and Martin Pring, with Tahánedo and possibly  Amooret aboard, successfully arrived on the coast of Maine and explored the rivers and harbors of the Gulf, including the lower Kennebec. At the end of the voyage,  Tahánedo was allowed to rejoin his Etchemin band as a reward for his services and would resume his role as a sagamore.

Skidwarres was sent to Maine in 1607 as part of another Popham mission to build a settlement. The colonists arrived safely and settled at Sagadahoc on the Kennebec River for the winter. This proved hard, however, and they went home the following spring. They left Skidwarres behind, who had reunited with  Tahánedo and his people.  

Illustration: Sr. John Popham knight Lorde Cheife Justice of England & of her Maj. most honorable Privie Counsell. Sir John Popham (1531–1607), Lord Chief Justice. Copy by George Perfect (1781–1853) of lost original by an unknown artist. National Portrait Gallery, London,

Bibliography:

Adams, J. R. (2015). Alien abductions: How the Abenaki discovered England. Smithsonian 16(3),  1–8. https://www.americanindianmagazine.org/story/alien-abductions-how-abenaki-discovered-england

Burrage, H.S. (Ed.) (1906). Early English and French voyages chiefly from Hakluyt 1534-1608. Charles Scribner’s Sons.

Prins, H. E. L., & McBride, B. (2007). Asticou’s Island Domain: Wabanaki Peoples at Mount Desert Island 1500-2000. Acadia National Park. Ethnography Program. National Park Service. 

Featured

Early Contact Period: George Waymouth and the abduction of five Etchemin

In 1605, Captain George Waymouth embarked on a mission that would have far-reaching consequences. Sent from England to explore the coast of Maine by the Earl of Southampton, this expedition was part of an English Catholic attempt to scout out potential sites in New England for a colony. However, the secondary goal, to kidnap a few Indigenous people for information, would leave a lasting mark on the region and its inhabitants.  

Waymouth and crew sailed from England on March 31 on the ship Archangel and landed first near Mohegan Island off the coast of Maine on May 17. After exploring the island’s bounteous resources for two days, Waymouth then sailed northward, among the St. Georges Islands, and anchored in Penobscot Bay at the mouth of the St. Georges River. “Here the master and men regaled themselves several days and recruited their strength … he and a party properly armed, explored the islands and shores, while his sailors, engaged in fishery, readily took plenty of salmon and other fishes of great bigness” (Williamson, 1839: 192).

Eleven days after the Archangel moored, the crew first encountered the local Etchemin people.  On May 30, 1605, the voyages chronicler Rosier relates: “This day, about four in the afternoon, we in the ship spied three canoes coming towards us, which went to the land adjoining, where they went ashore, and very quickly made a fire, about which they stood beholding our ship: to whom we made signs with our hands and hats, waffling onto them to come onto vs, because we had not seen any of the people yet. They sent one Canoa with three men, one of which, when they came near us, spoke in his language very loud and very boldly, seeming as though he would know why we were there and, by pointing with his oars towards the sea, we conjectured he meant we should be gone. But when we showed them knives and their use, by cutting of sticks and other trifles, as combs and glasses, they came close aboard our ship, as desirous to entertain our friends. To these, we gave such things as we perceived they liked when we showed them the use: bracelets, rings, peacock feathers, which they stuck in their hair, and tobacco pipes (Burrage, 1906, pp. 367-368).”

Over the next several days they had many encounters with the Etchemin and encouraged their trust through trade. Rosier relates: “Our Captain had two of them at supper with us in his cabin to see their demeanor, who behaved themselves very civilly, neither laughing nor talking all the time, and at supper fed not like men of rude education, neither would they eat or drink more than seemed to content nature; they desired peas to carry a shore to their women, which we gave them, with fish and bread, and lent them pewter dishes, which they carefully brought again (Burrage, 1906, p. 402)”.

At this point, Waymouth decided the time was ripe to kidnap some of the locals. Rosier justified this move by saying: “We began to join them in the rank of other Salvages, who travelers in most discoveries have found very treacherous. They never attempted mischief until, by some remissness, fit opportunity afforded them certain ability to execute the same. Therefore, after good advice, we determined so soon as we could to take some of them, least (being suspicious we had discovered their plots) they should absent themselves from us (Burrage, 1906, p. 407).”

On the next day, they abducted five Etchemin, three by duplicity and two by force. According to Rosier: “About eight a clock this day we went on shore with our boats to fetch aboard water and wood, our Captain leaving word with the gunner in the ship, by discharging a musket, to give notice if they spied any canoes coming …. there were two canoes, and in each of them were three savages; of which two came aboard, while the others stayed in their canoes about the ship; and because we could not entice them aboard, we gave them a can of peas and bread, which they carried to the shore to eat. But one of them brought back our can presently and stayed aboard with the other two, for he being young, of a ready capacity. One we most desired to bring with us into England had received exceeding kind usage at our hands and was therefore much delighted in our company (Burrage, 1906: 378).”

These three were prevented from leaving the ship, presumably by putting them in the hold.

To capture the other two that had left, Rosier tells us: ��We manned the light horseman with 7 or 8 men, one standing before carried our box of merchandise a platter of peas, but before we were landed, one of them (being too suspiciously fearful of his own good) withdrew himself unto the wood. The other two met us on the shore side, to receive the peas, with whom we went up the cliff to their fire and sat down with them … showed them trifles to exchange … but suddenly laid hands upon them. And it was as much as five or six of us could do to get them into the light horseman. For they were strong and so naked as our best hold was by their long hair on their heads, and we would have been very loath to have done them any hurt … being a matter of great importance for the full accompaniment of our voyage (Burrage, 1906, p. 378-379).”

Waymouth then headed back to England with his human cargo below deck.

Illustration: Captain George Waymouth sails into Penobscot Bay in Maine. Image from Thomas Wentworth

Bibliography:

Burrage, H.S. (Ed.) (1906). Early English and French voyages chiefly from Hakluyt 1534-1608. Charles Scribner’s Sons.

Williamson, W. D. (1889) A History of the State of Maine: from its first discovery, A.D. 1602, to the separation, A.D. 1820. Hallowell: Glazier, Masters & Co.

Featured

Colonization of Maine: The Indigenous People in 1600

When the first Europeans began to arrive on the coast of Maine in the late 16th century, they encountered a rich tapestry of indigenous cultures. The region was inhabited by three distinct Algonquin-speaking ethnic groups, each with their own unique customs and ways of life. Samuel de Champlain would be the first European to come in contact with all three groups, and he called them Etchemin, Souriquios, and Armouchiquois. The Etchemin were located along the central coast in the woodlands between the Kennebec and St John River Valleys. They were flanked on their northeast by the Souriquios and to their southwest by the Armouchiquois.  The Armouchiquois and Abenaki were corn, bean, and squash farmers, while the Souriquios and Etchemin were strictly hunter-gatherers. This diversity of lifestyles and cultures is a testament to the richness and complexity of the indigenous societies in Maine.

‘Souriquois’ was a French term meaning ‘saltwater men’.  The word ‘Etchemin’ is believed to be either a French alteration of an Algonquian word for canoe or a translation of ‘skidijn’, the native word for people. ‘Armouchiquois’ was a French corruption of the Souriquois word ‘Alemousiski ‘, which meant ‘land of the little dog ‘. This term was intentionally derogatory, reflecting the power dynamics between the Souriquois and Armouchiquois. It’s important to note these derogatory terms to understand the historical context and the unequal power relations between the indigenous people and the European colonizers. 

The Souriquois were found not only in Northeastern Maine but in Canada’s Atlantic Provinces, including Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland, as well as on the Gaspé Peninsula of Quebec. Their name for themselves was U’nu’k meaning humans or people.

The Etchemin contained two groups – the Eastern Etchemins, who allied with the Souriquois and were found east of the Narraguagus River – and the Western Etchemins, who allied with the Armouchiquois and ranged along the coast and into the forested hinterland from the Narraguagus to the Kennebec River.

The Armouchiquois were spread from western Maine to Cape Cod and comprised several ethnic groups. They included corn-growing peoples from the Kennebec to Cape Cod: Abenaki, Penacook, Massachusett, and Wampanoag. Other names used to describe people in western Maine were Sacos, Pigwackers, Ossipees, and Pennacook-Abenaki. They called themselves “alnamback” or real people (Haviland, 2017).

What the French and English would call the Peoples of Maine would evolve over the next century. The term Armouchiquois would soon disappear, although the labels  Etchemen and Souriquois would survive through most of the 17th century. Today’s Passamaquoddy and Maliseet trace to the eastern Etchemen. The Souriquois are now most commonly called Micmac or Mi’kmaq. The name Wabanaki (“People of Dawnland”) would eventually come to represent all the Peoples of Maine after the Wabanaki Confederacy was formed in the 1680s to combat the growing encroachment of colonists and challenge Iroquois hostilities  (Snow, 1976).

Illustration: The Indigenous people of Maine

Bibliography

Anonymous (Undated). The Almouchiquois. The Falmouth Historical Society. https://thefhs.org/almouchiquois

Baker, E. W. (2004). Finding the Almouchiquois: Native American Families, Territories, and Land Sales in Southern Maine. Ethnohistory, 51(1),  73-100.

Bourque, B. J. (1989) Ethnicity on the Maritime Peninsula, 1600-1759. Ethnohistory,  36 (3),  257-284

Haviland, B. (2017). Who was here first? Abbe Museum. https://www.abbemuseum.org/blog/2017/3/10/up-from-the-depths-a-stone-axe-and-sea-level-change

Hoffman, B. G. (1955). The Souriquois, Etechemin, and Kwĕdĕch–A Lost Chapter in American Ethnography. Ethnohistory, 2(1), 65-87

Prins, H. E. L., & McBride, B. (2007). Asticou’s Island Domain: Wabanaki Peoples at Mount Desert Island 1500-2000. Acadia National Park. Ethnography Program. National Park Service. 

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Second Arctic voyage of John Davis

Embarking on another significant historical journey, John Davis set sail from Dartmouth on 7 May 1586, leading his second expedition to the Arctic Sea. This voyage, marked by the presence of four ships-the Mermaid (120 tons), Sunshine (60 tons), Moonshine (35 tons), and North Star (10 tons)-would lead to several great adventures.  

On the 15th, Davis came in sight of the southern extremity of Greenland, but the pack ice rendered it impossible to land, so Davis named it “Cape Farewell” and continued along the strait that now bears his name. Here, he encountered severe gales of wind, and it was not until the 29th that he again sighted the towering mountains of Greenland near Gilbert Sound. He then took shelter among the islands along the coast and commenced examining the shore.

As his chronicler Jayne tells the story: “… we sent our boats to search for shole water … the people of the country having spied them, came in their canoes towards them with many shoutsand cries … After I perceived their joy … myself with the merchants and others of the company went ashore, bearing with me twenty knives. I had no sooner landed, but they leaped out of their canoes, came running to me and the rest, and embraced us with many signs of hearty welcome: at this present, there were eighteen of them, and to each of them, I gave a knife: they offered skins to me for reward, but I made signs that it was not sold, but given them of courtesy …”  (Markham, 1880, p. 16)

The next day, the pinnace was landed on an island for assembly, and while the carpenters got to work, they were surrounded by many Inuit who were again very friendly. Davis records that as many as 100 kayaks came up to the ship at one time and that the Inuit were “very diligent to attend to us, and to help us up the rocks, and likewise down.(Markham, 1880, p. 17)

The pinnace was launched on 4  July, with forty people helping them. The English were almost constantly surrounded wherever they went by Inuit in their kayaks, and thieving started to become a major problem.  One night, the Inuit began firing stones upon a ship with slings, and a large rock knocked down the boatswain of the Moonshine. Davis finally lost his patience and chased after the perpetrators in their kayaks but without success. The next day his crew did manage to capture one of the ringleaders who they hoped to exchange for their anchor. However, the wind came up, and this poor soul was carried out to sea.  

As Davis and crew traveled southward of Gilbert Sound, they came upon “an enormous iceberg on the 17th of July. Its extent and height were so extraordinary that the pinnace was sent to ascertain whether it was land or really ice. The report was that it was indeed one gigantic mass of ice, floating on the sea, with bays and capes, plateaus and towering peaks, [which] excited great astonishment.”  (Markham, 1889, p. 42)

Soon, masses of ice began to collect around the ships, and the ropes and sails became frozen and covered with ice. Further progress was checked, and the men began to despond, telling the captain: ”That he should regard the safety of his own life and the preservation of his people, and that he should not through over-boldness run the risk of making children fatherless and wives desolate.” (Markham, 1889, pp. 47-48) 

At this point, Davis decided to send the Mermaid home with the sick and feeble, while he continued on in the Moonshine.  He sailed westward and made land on the opposite side of the strait, near Exeter Sound. Then, sailing southwest, he entered the Cumberland Gulf again, passed the entrance to Hudson Strait without observing it, and sailed along the coast of Labrador. Here, they fished for cod, which they salted to take home.

While they were at anchor, several men were sent on shore to collect some fish which had been laid out on the rocks to cure. Unknown to them, several Mi’kmaq were hiding in the woods, “who sent a murderous round of arrows at the sailors. Seeing this unfold from the boat, Davis sailed towards the shore and discharged his muskets at the savages, which scattered them. Unfortunately, two of his men were killed by arrows, two were seriously wounded, and just one escaped with an arrow wound to the arm, by swimming off toward the ship.” (Markham 1889, p. 56)

Davis and the crew were then caught up in a furious gale that lasted for three days. This proved to be the tipping point for Davis, and he decided to give up and return home. He left for England on 11 September and arrived home in early October 1586.

Illustration: Map showing Davis’s northern voyages. From C. R. Markham’s The life of John Davis, the navigator (1889).

Bibliography

Markham, A. H. (ed.) (1880) The voyages and works of John Davis, the navigator. London: The Hakluyt Society.

Markham, C. R. (1889). The life of John Davis, the navigator (1550 – 1605). Discoverer of the Davis Straits. Dodd Mead and Company, New York.

Featured

Precolonial North American history: The first Arctic voyage of John Davis

Martin Frobisher failed in his attempt to extract wealth from Arctic Canada in the 1570s, but England’s passion remained strong for finding a Northwest Passage to China. John Davis would be the next in line to make that quest in three missions between 1585 and 1587.

On his first voyage, Davis left Dartmouth on 7 June 1585 with two ships, the Sunshine (50 tons, 23 crew, including a four-man band) and Moonshine (35 tons, 19 crew). The trip was backed by William Sanderson and a group of merchants from London and the West Country.   

After battling strong westerly winds, the two ships arrived on the west coast of Greenland and dropped anchor at the present site of Nuuk.  Here, they had a most pleasing interaction with the local Inuit. The encounter began with the crew hearing a “lamentable noise” that they thought must be wolves. It turned out to be the Inuit’s making a ruckus to get their attention. In response, the crew went on shore with their band, which began to play while the officers and sailors danced and “allured the Inuit by friendly embraces and signs of courtesy.” (Markham, 1980). The sailors then placed some stockings, caps, and gloves on the ground as gifts and danced and sang their way back into their boats and rowed back to the mother ships.

This strange behavior apparently proved effective, and the next day, the Inuit came back and actively traded with them. Despite Frobisher’s previous altercations with them, the Inuit reacted quite favorably towards Davis and his crew. As Davis’s chronicler, Jayne tells the story:  

The ships being within tile sounds, we sent our boats to search for shole water, where we might anchor, which in this place is very hard to find: and as the boat went sounding and searching, the people of the country having spied them, came in their canoes towards them with many shoutsand cries: but after they had spied in the boat, some of our company that was the year before here with us, they presently rowed to the boat, and took hold in the oar, and hung about the boat with such comfortable joy as would require a long discourse to be uttered: they came with the boats to our ships, making signs that they all those that yere before had been with them. 

After I perceived their joy … myself with the merchants and others of the company went ashore, bearing with me twenty knives. I had no sooner landed, but they leaped out of their canoes and came running to me and the rest and embraced us with many signs of hearty welcome: at this present, there were eighteen of them, and to each of them, I gave a knife: they offered skins to me for reward, but I made signs that it was not sold, but given them of courtesy: and so dismissed them for that time, with signs that they should return again after certain hours.

The next day, with all possible speed, the pinnace was landed upon an Isle there to be finished …  During the time that the pinnace was there setting up, the people came continually unto us, sometimes a hundred canoes at a time, sometimes forty, fifty, more and Jess, asoccasion served.  They brought with them sealskins, stag  skins, white hares, seal fish, salmon, small cod, dry caplin, with  other  fish, and  birds, such  as the country  did yield.” (Markham, 1880: 16).

The expedition then sailed west across the cold, icy waters of what is now called Davis Strait and discovered a wide and deep sound that Davis was certain was the opening to the Northwest Passage. They sailed for miles into this waterway (now called Cumberland Gulf), but by August 20th, the blustery wintry winds convinced Davis and his officers that they had better turn and head home or risk spending the winter icebound.  Unbeknownst to them, they had not gone far enough to find that the waterway was not the Passage at all but, in fact, ended in the center of Baffin Island.

Davis and crew arrived back at Dartmouth on the 30th of September. On his return, Davis immediately wrote a letter to Sir Frances Walsingham Knight, a member of Her Majesty’s Privy Council, in which he enthusiastically boasted he had found the Northwest Passage:  “Right honorable most dutifully craving pardon for this my rash boldness, I am herby, according to my duty, to signify to your honor that the north-west passage is a matter nothing doubtful! but at any time almost to be passed, the sea navigable, the air tolerable, and the waters very deep.  I have also found a very great quantity, not in any globe or map described, yielding a sufficient trade of fur and leather. Although this passage hath been supposed very impassible, yet through God’s mercy, I am in experience and eye witness to the contrary, yea in this most desperate climate;  which,  by Gods help, I will very shortly most at large reveal onto your honor so soon as I can possibly take orders for my mariners and shipping.  Thus, depending on your honors good favor, I humbly commit you to God this third of October.” (Markham, 1880: xix).

Illustration: A miniature portrait (1624) of John Davis from the title page of Samuel Purchas’s collection of travel stories, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes.

Bibliography

Markham, A. H. (ed.) (1880) The voyages and works of John Davis, the navigator. London: The Hakluyt Society.

Markham, C. R. (1889). The life of John Davis, the navigator (1550 – 1605). Discoverer of the Davis Straits. Dodd Mead and Company, New York.

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Tarrentine Wars

About the time the English and French began to explore the northern coast of Atlantic America,  what had been mostly friendly trading interactions between the Tarrentines and the other coastal New England nations turned to violence. The Etcheman west of the Kennebec (Penobscot, Kennebec) and the southern Almouchiquois would ally, form the Mawooshen Confederation, and become the sworn enemies of the Tarrentines.

The arrival of French fur traders in the St. Lawrence Valley stimulated a crisis among the Indigenous nations that lasted over 25 years. A growing scarcity of fur-bearing animals intensified inter-tribal competition, and a major power imbalance arose when the French provided the Tarrentines with firearms.

While there are few European eyewitness reports of these battles, Champlain and Lescarbot published numerous accounts of the Indigenous participants. During the Champlain and Poutrincourt excursions along the Maine coast, Lescarbot writes that in 1606 at the village of Chouacoet near Saco Bay, Almouchiquois chiefs Marchin and Onemechin “brought Monsieur de Poutrincourt a Souriquois [Mi’kmaq] prisoner, and therefore their enemy, whom they freely handed over to him” (Biggar, 1928: 99).

During the same visit, Champlain told of two Sagamos who came there from the east in their own shallot, an Etchemin named Messamouet and a Souriquios [Mi’kmaq] named Secoudon. These two Tarrentine had come to trade with French merchandise gained by barter, even though they were traditional enemies of the Almouchiquois. After a long oratory by Messamouet, he made presents of kettles, axes, knives, and other manufactured articles, to which Onemechin gave him back Indian corn, squashes, and Brazilian beans. This produce did not altogether satisfy Messamouet, “who departed much displeased because he had not been suitably repaid for what he had given them, and with the intention of making war upon them before long…” (Bigger, 1922: 395-396). After this encounter, Secoudon stayed with Champlain’s expedition while Messamouet returned to Nova Scotia.

During Champlain’s return voyage, as he passed Great Wass Island on the coast of Maine, a group of Eastern Etchemin informed Secoudon that a Mi’kmaq chieftain named “Iouaniscou and his companions had killed some other [Armouchiquois] and carried off some women as prisoners, and that near Mount Desert Islandthey had put these to death.” (Biggar, 1922: 426). When Champlain dropped Secoudon off at St. Croix after the voyage, Champlain reported that the Etchemin chief returned with scalps he had obtained at Cape Cod, although the details of how these were obtained are not given.

In the autumn of 1606, the murders of Iouaniscou were avenged by the Etchemin with the murder of the Mi’kmaq Panonias, who had guided Champlain the previous summer. He was killed by Mawooshen warriors in the Penobscot Bay area.  After his death, the Eastern Etchemin chief  Ouagimout of  Passamaquoddy  Bay asked  Bashaba, the grand chief of Mawooshen, for Panonias’ body. The body was then delivered by Ouagimout, wrapped in moosehide, to a Mi’kmaq encampment near Port Royal. Membertou, Panonias’s father-in-law and grand chief, welcomed Ouagimout and presented ritual gifts of mourning to Panonias’ relatives. Panonias was then buried on an island near Cape Sable.

In response, Membertou, with 500 warriors, attacked the town of Chouacoet, that Champlain had previously visited on July 1607, killing twenty people, including two grand chiefs, Onmechin and Marchin.  The Tarrentine also suffered losses in this raid, including Chief Ouagimout of Passamaquoddy Bay, who was grievously wounded, and Chief Secoudon. who was killed.   

Membertou conducted his attack as a surprise offensive. He appeared before the Abenakis unarmed, pretending that he wanted to negotiate, and then, he and his men seized hidden weapons and attacked. Membertou’s force was composed of Mi’kmaqs from his band and Messamouet’s, along with Eastern Etchemins from the St. John River under Chief Secoudon and from the Passamaquoddy Bay area under Chief Ouagimout (Prins and McBride, 2000).

Thus began what has been called the Tarratine or Mi’kmaq Wars, where bands of Tarrentine warriors in fleets of canoes and shallops began raiding Mawooshen villages, killing people and taking captives along with corn, furs, and moose hides. These wars culminated with the slaughter of the Mawooshen grand chief Basaba in 1615. This was followed by the great plague (“Great Dying’) of 1616-19. An estimated 2,500 out of 7,500 eastern Etchemins died, while as many as  9,000 out of 12,000 western Etchemins perished. The Almouchiquois must have also suffered staggering casualties. 

Even after the collapse of the western Etchemin, Mik’maq raids against the Amouchiquois continued until as late as 1631. However, the Tarrentine entrepreneurs’ fortunes declined rapidly after Europeans appeared in the Gulf and began trading directly with local fur producers.

Illustration: Alan Syliboy’s portrait of Grand Chief Henri Memberton that was presented to Queen Elizabeth the Second on 28 June 2010 by Grand Chief Benjamin Sylliboy and placed on permanent display in Government House Halifax.

Bibliography:

Biggar, H. P. (1922). The works of Samuel de Champlain. Vol. 1: 1599 – 1607. The Champlain Society.

Prins, H. E. L., & McBride, B. (2007). Asticou’s Island Domain: Wabanaki Peoples at Mount Desert Island 1500-2000. Acadia National Park. Ethnography Program. National Park Service. 

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Third Arctic voyage of Martin Frobisher

On 31 May 1578, Frobisher, in the Ayde, led a fleet of 15 vessels from Harwich. He was directed to bring back 2,000 tons of ore and establish a settlement to gather more. McFee (1928, p. 80) suggests that “without being aware of it, we are now witnessing the inception of the first authentic scheme of colonial expansion in the history of North America.”

The plan was to leave one hundred miners there with enough supplies for the winter and summer. Three ships would be left behind in case the colonists needed to return home before the supply ships came back the next year. Unfortunately, this was a flawed strategy, as the sea in the area was frozen from late November until July, and the miners could not have left even if they had wanted to.

The expedition arrived at Greenland on 20 June and found it to be a forbidding place.   As McFee (1928, p. 65) describes: “Frisland, or Greenland as we call it now, was a singularly unpromising coast. The shore was practically inaccessible, the visible highland consisted of grim snow-covered ranges, and the fogs came down with terrifying suddenness whenever the Admiral wanted to seek a landing. Frobisher had the natural horror of a shipmaster losing sight of his ship. He gave it up and set forward for Meta Incognita.”

From Greenland, the group traveled towards Frobisher’s Strait and, according to Frobisher’s chronicler, Best, met with many great whales. One of the ships, named the Salamander, struck a great whale “with such a blow that the ship stood still neither forward nor backward. The whale made a great and ugly noise and cast up his body and tail, and so went underwater, and within two days after, there was found a great whale dead, swimming above the water, which we supposed was that of the Salamander stroke.” (Collinson, 1867, p.  234) 

The fleet then suffered a period of great difficulty where they were forced to battle ice floes, strong currents, and foul weather.   They were driven south into an unknown strait, which Frobisher named the “Mistaken Strait.” He was, of course, sure that this was a Northwest Passage but left without further investigation, as the fabled passage was now outside his voyage’s specific mission. It would be determined later that his “Mistaken Strait” was the Hudson Strait leading into Hudson Bay and not to Cathay. A similar misconception would lead to Henry Hudson’s death 30 years later. 

Windswept ice floes kept the fleet from its intended destination for about a month, during which time the ship carrying most of their building materials was crushed in the ice, and another one deserted and went back to England. Finally, at the end of July, Frobisher found the strait he was looking for, and the miners were deployed to dig for ore on an island he named the Countess of Warwick.

Using the building materials they still had on hand, a house was built near the mining site, but the idea of a winter colony was dropped because they had too few remaining materials to build any other structures. The remains of this house are still clearly visible on the summit of Kodlunarn Island. These are the oldest known remains of a European house built in America north of the Caribbean.

As soon as the miners began working at the ore, Best went exploring. He climbed to the top of what became known as Hatton’s Headland, to look at the fleet and set up a cross of stone, “in token of Christian possession.” A week later, he and some other officers chased and killed “a great white bear, which adventured and gave a fierce assault upon twenty men being weaponed. And he served them for good meat many days” (McFee, 1928, p. 101).

Within a month after beginning the dig,  the ships were fully loaded with bags of ore and were ready for the voyage home. After seeing a massive display of the Aurora Borealis, which Frobisher took as a warning that they should leave, “they all departed, or more appropriately escaped, on the thirty-first of August 1578 (McCoy, 2014).

At the end of August, the vessels arrived home and the refiners immediately set out to extract the gold, but none was ever found. Repeated attempts went on until 1583, but there was no longer any room for denial, and the Queen and all the investors were forced to accept failure. Seas of litigations followed “and needing a scapegoat, they focused their anger on poor Michael Lok. In gross unfairness, the gullible investors accused Lok of dishonesty, with Frobisher himself among the accusers. Michael Lok furiously accused Frobisher of bringing back valuable ore on the first voyage but worthless ore on other trips … Lok became the focus of creditors’ efforts to collect, and he was bankrupted, sued, and imprisoned. Lok later claimed to have seen the inside of every jail in London. (McCoy, 2014b,  n.p.)

Frobisher would continue his naval service in many capacities over the next 16 years but would never return to the Arctic.

Illustration: Canadian commemorative postage stamp of Martin Frobisher issued in 1963.

Bibliography

Collinson, R. (1867) The three voyages of Martin Frobisher, in search of a passage to Cathaia and India by the North-west, A.D. 1576-8. Reprinted from the first ed. of Hakluyt’s Voyages, with selections from manuscript documents in the British Museum and State Paper Office. Hakluyt Society, London.

McCoy, R.M. (2014) Explorer Martin Frobisher infects the Queen with gold fever. Part 2. Explorer’s tales. https://www.newworldexploration.com/explorers-tales-blog/explorer-martin-frobisher-infects-the-queen-with-gold-fever-part-2

McFee, W. (1928) Sir Martin Frobisher. John Lane the Bodley Head LTD: London

Featured

Precolonial North American History: The second Arctic voyage of Martin Frobisher

On Frobisher’s second voyage to the Arctic, all thoughts of the Northwest Passage were forgotten, and the quest became simply to find gold. On 31 May 1577, Frobisher sailed from Harwich with three ships and about 120 men. He captained Queen Elizabeth’s ship the Ayde, piloted by the expedition’s chronicler George Best. Aboard the three ships were a group of miners, and the artist John White who would produce the first pictures of Inuits and later would gain fame as the artist of the Raleigh’s Roanoke Colony.

They arrived at the shore of Greenland on 4 July, but ice prevented them from landing. On 17 July they reached the island from which the now famous little black stone had originally been taken that led to the gold speculation. Little additional ore was found there but on another nearby island (now Kodlunarn Island) they did discover a large quantity. While five miners and some of the crew dug ore and loaded it into the Ayde, Frobisher and a group of 40 men explored the Island.

Frobisher began by claiming this land and its supposed riches for England. In a brief ceremony, Frobisher and crew piled a cairn of stones to mark possession at the island’s highest point, which Frobisher dubbed Mount Warwick in honor of the Earl of Warwick, one of the investors in the expedition.

The land claim did not go unnoticed by the Inuit. As Best described: “… marching towards our boats, we spied a certain number of the country people on the top of Mount Warwicke with a flag, waving us back again and making a great noise, with cries like the mowing of bulls, seemingly desirous of a conference with us … “(Collinson, 1867, p.129)

Each side sent two unarmed representatives to the center of the mountain to trade. The English representatives were Frobisher and a compatriot who tried to take captive one of the  Inuit’s in a prearranged plan. The man proved to be too slippery to grab and ran away, and the two Inuits recovered their weapons, and then chased the two Englishmen down the mountain to their boats, wounding Frobisher with an arrow in the buttock. A volley from the English guns sent the two fleeing, but a man named Nicolas Conyer charged after them and was able to capture one and bring him back to the boat.  

Frobisher and the landing party then rowed to the other side of the island, where they were assaulted by another group of Inuit on the bluffs above them. Frobisher and his party were eventually able to land, located an abandoned village, and destroyed a group of Inuit tents.  They then attacked a nearby settlement, where five or six Inuit were killed, and one Englishman was seriously wounded. The English aptly named the location “Bloody Point.”

They also captured two women and a child. One of the women they described as being so old and ugly that they were sure she must be a witch. They had “her buskins picked off to see if she had cloven feet” and they let her go when her feet proved normal. The other woman and the child were taken back to their ship (Morison, 1971, p. 523).

Best suggested that the female captive was taken on board for the comfort of their male captive: “The two were brought together, surrounded by a circle of Englishman to see what would happen.” The Inuit behaved with great dignity, and even though the two were forced to bunk together on the voyage home, they “did never use as man and wife.” (Collinson, 1867:144-145)

A few days after visiting “Bloody Point,” the crew discovered on a small island  “a tomb, wherein the bones of a dead man lay together … Here they also found hid under stones a good store of fish and other things of the inhabitants including sleds, bridles, kettles of fish skins, knives of bone and such other like.” Their male captive “took in his hand one of these country bridles, he caught one of our doggies, and hampered him handsomely therein, as we do our horses, and with a whip in his hand, he taught the dog to draw a sled.” (Collinson, 1867, p. 136)

Another discovery, which gave them particular delight, was a dead narwhal on the shore with a two yard long unicorn-like nose. The horn was taken back to England and given to Queen Elizabeth, who kept it in her wardrobe, handy for bringing out to stimulate the art of bawdy conversation that she is said to have loved.  (Collinson, 1867, p.136)

On 20 August, the mining work was done. The minors had gathered 200 tons of supposed gold ore while Frobisher and the others were exploring. The ice was now forming around their ship at night, signaling it was time to return home. On 22 August, after lighting bonfires and firing Volleys into the sky, Frobisher and crew headed back to England. 

Once home, the ore samples were sent to a number of assessors who again produced a wide range of estimates on the amount of gold in the ore. Several reported no sign of gold, while others claimed it contained up to ten profitable ounces of gold per hundred pounds. The Queen chose to believe the highest estimate, and incredibly, another larger expedition was organized without any ore having been processed.

Illustration:

A painting by John White of a violent encounter with Inuit during the second Arctic voyage of Martin Frobisher. (British Museum, London) https://www.worldhistory.org/image/12371/inuit-skirmish-by-john-white/

Bibliography:

Collinson, R. (1867) The three voyages of Martin Frobisher, in search of a passage to Cathaia and India by the North-west, A.D. 1576-8. Reprinted from the first ed. of Hakluyt’s Voyages, with selections from manuscript documents in the British Museum and State Paper Office.  Hakluyt Society, London.

Cooke, A. (2003) Frobisher, Sir Martin.  In: Dictionary of Canadian Biography,vol. 1, University of Toronto/Université Laval, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/frobisher_martin_1E.html.

McCoy, R.M. (2014a) Explorer Martin Frobisher infects the Queen with gold fever. Part 1. Explorer’s tales. https://www.newworldexploration.com/explorers-tales-blog/archives/08-2014

McCoy, R.M. (2014b) Explorer Martin Frobisher infects the Queen with gold fever. Part 2. Explorer’s tales. https://www.newworldexploration.com/explorers-tales-blog/explorer-martin-frobisher-infects-the-queen-with-gold-fever-part-2

McFee, W. (1928) Sir Martin Frobisher. John Lane the Bodley Head LTD: London

Featured

Precolonial North American History: The first Arctic expedition of Martin Frobisher

In 1576, Queen Elizabeth’s seadog Martin Frobisher decided that he would find the Northwest Passage to China through the bitter cold of the Arctic. With the backing of merchant Michael Lok, a ship of about 20 tons was built for the mission named the Gabriel, and two ships were purchased – the Michael of 25 tons, and a pinnace of 10 tons. To man the ships, a crew of 35 was employed. On 7 June 1576, the fleet sailed from Ratcliff with Frobisher as its admiral and pilot, Christopher Hall as captain of the Gabriel, and Owen Griffyn as captain of the Michael.  

On 1 July, they sighted the east coast of Greenland, where they were hit by a massive storm. The three ships got separated, and the pinnace was lost.  The captain of the Michael became so intimidated by the ice that he turned back, and the Gabriel was nearly swamped and wound up on its side. Frobisher kept the ship afloat by ordering the men to cut the mizzenmast to lighten the weight and right the ship. This saved the day, but the ship was full of water, and they had lost many supplies.

Undaunted Frobisher continued westward, and on 28 July he sighted a barren rocky headland which he dubbed “Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland”, now known as Resolution Island, the most easterly outpost of Arctic Canada. From here, Frobisher headed west in a great bay reaching into the heart of Baffin Island, and at its head, Frobisher dispatched a party on a small island, he named Hall’s,  after the master of Gabriel. As they departed, he told the group to bring him anything that they found “in token of Christian possession” of the land.

In McFee’s biography of Frobisher’s life, he relates: “Some of his company brought flowers, some green grass, and one brought a piece of a black stone, much like to a Seacoal in color, which by the weight seemed to be some metal or Mineral. This was a thing of no account, in the judgment of the Captain at the first sight. And yet for novelty, it was kept, in respect of the place from whence it came.” (1928: 48)

This little rock would later lead to a mad search for gold in Frobisher Bay.

Frobisher then sailed into a “greate gutte bay”, which he assumed was the Northwest passage. Frobisher traveled about 60 leagues into the bay and named it Frobisher’s Strait.  Unfortunately, it was not the Northwest Passage at all but a dead end inside Baffin Island, a mistake that would go uncorrected until the middle of the 19th century.

At this point, Frobisher decided to visit Hall’s Island himself and, for the first time, realized that the country was inhabited. “He saw a number of small things fleeting in the Sea afar off, which he supposed to be Porpoises, or Seals, or some kind of strange fish: but coming nearer, he discovered them to be men, in small boats made of leather.” (Collinson, 1867, p. 73)

These were the Inuit of Baffin Island.

Over the next several days, the two groups traded cautiously with one another, sometimes ashore and sometimes aboard the Gabriel. The Inuit seemed familiar with ships such as the Gabriel, and they willingly consumed English food, drank wine, and competed in acrobatics with the mariners among the ropes of the ship’s rigging.

One of the Inuit, through signs, agreed to show them the way to a western sea and Frobisher sent him with five seamen back to the shore to prepare for the journey. These five sailors disobeyed their orders to stay in sight of the ship and were never seen again. Frobisher waited three days for their return and then searched the coast in vain for his men or some Inuit that might be captured and ransomed. He did not find any of his men and was able to capture only one poor local who had inadvertently come to the ship in his kayak to trade. Frobisher would take this unfortunate man back to England as proof to Queen Elizabeth that he had reached a far and strange land. Sadly, the Inuit died shortly after reaching England.

Frobisher now realized that it was time to turn homeward, as snow had begun falling on deck, and the seas were beginning to freeze around the Gabriel. He claimed Baffin Island as a possession of Queen Elizabeth and then sailed back to England.  

Soon after his return, Frobisher gave the black stone that had been collected on Hall’s Island to Lok, who took pieces of it to three different assessors to determine its worth. All three deemed it worthless as marcasite, a sulfide of iron very similar to pyrite (fool’s gold). Disappointed but undaunted, Lok took one more piece of it to another person named Giovanni Agnello, who gave the opposite opinion and claimed he could extract gold from it with a special process known only to himself.

Lok wrote Queen Elizabeth an account of all these findings, and she decided to support a second voyage, even with the shaky evidence of gold. In  March 1577,  the Cathay Company was formed and given a royal charter, with Lok as governor and Frobisher as “high admiral.” All was now in place for an expedition to specifically find gold.

Illustration: Martin Frobisher Frobisher from the Heroologia Anglica, a collection of engraved portraits of illustrious English people (1620).

Bibliography:

Collinson, R. (1867) The three voyages of Martin Frobisher, in search of a passage to Cathaia and India by the North-west, A.D. 1576-8.  Hakluyt Society, London.

McFee, W. (1928) Sir Martin Frobisher. John Lane the Bodley Head LTD: London

Featured

Precolonial North American History: The colony of Bartholomew Gosnold

A largely forgotten man named Bartholomew Gosnold made the first English attempt to colonize New England.

Gosnold was born in 1561 into an East Anglian manorial family. He got his first taste at sea in the Essex/Raleigh Expedition to the Azores in 1597, and upon his return, somehow got the colonization bug. It had been fifteen years since Walter Raleigh’s third attempt to settle at Roanoke had resulted in the famous “lost colony.” Gosnold ignored the fact that Sir Walter had the royal charter authorizing him to explore, colonize, and rule unoccupied North American territory.

Gosnold was initially backed by Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, but his plan got stalled when the earl was beheaded in 1601 for conspiring against Queen Elizabeth. Gosnold regrouped and obtained the support of Henry Wriothesley, third earl of Southampton, although he too was imprisoned for a while as part of the Essex plot.

On March 26, 1602, Gosnold’s expedition departed Falmouth on the ship Concord, carrying twenty gentleman colonists and a dozen crewmembers. The Concord was a small, uncomfortable ship that had a keel length of only 39 feet, a breadth of 17½ feet, and leaked badly. Instead of making a circuitous route to North America by the Canary Islands as other explorers had done, Gosnold traveled due west and was the first to travel a direct route to New England. In only seven weeks, he made landfall at what is now Cape Elizabeth, near Portland, Maine. While exploring the area, he famously encountered a Mi’kmaq who was wearing black serge breeches and a European waistcoat. 

In May 1602,  Gosnold continued southward in search of an appropriate site for settlement. He navigated around a peninsula he named Cape Cod, after the large number of fish swimming in the surrounding waters. He went ashore there and was among the first Europeans to trade with the Nauset people. Continuing on, he discovered a large island he named Martha’s Vineyard in memory of his first child and the wild grapes that covered it.  

At Martha’s Vineyard, Gosnold encountered the Wampanoag people, who proved to be friendly, bringing the Englishman cooked fish, deerskins, and tobacco. Gosnold  kept on moving, and finally selected the small island of Cuttyhunk, west of Martha’s Vineyard, for his settlement. Here he built a small fort on an island in the middle of a large freshwater lake, which he reached with a flat-bottomed boat.   

The colonists found fertile land and plenty of sassafras to harvest, which would bring them a high profit in England. In the early 1600s, sassafras was believed to be a wonder drug that could cure just about anything. It became so popular that by the mid-1600s, it was America’s number two export to Europe, second only to Virginia tobacco.

As the summer progressed, Gosnold and the locals traded actively and had mostly congenial interactions. A group of six or seven of them even worked side-by-side with Gosnold’s men, helping cut and carry the sassafras.

As the summer progressed, the colonists began to lose their enthusiasm for settlement, realizing that their supplies were likely too short to last the winter. They also had an unfortunate skirmish where two Englishmen hunting for shellfish were attacked by four locals who shot one in the side with an arrow. This incident scared the colonists, making clear how vulnerable their little settlement was to the whims of the Indigenous people.

The original plan was for the colonists to split into two groups when their ship was full of sassafras – one group was to sail back to England with their harvested bounty and the other was to stay through the winter. After a sharp dispute as to who would go and who would stay, Gosnold gave in to a majority vote, and after only a month on the island, everyone sailed back to England, carrying a profitable cargo of cedar wood, sassafras, furs, and a stolen Wampanoag canoe.

Soon after their return, Sir Walter Raleigh found out about Gosnold’s mission and laid claim to the cargo.  However, the two quickly make peace. Gosnold had many powerful friends like the Earl of Southampton and Raleigh came to see the success of the mission as a good advertisement for future ventures that he might conduct.  

The colony of  Gosnold’s would be ephemeral, but its story would live long after. William Shakespeare based his play “The Tempest” on Gosnold’s 1602 voyage, with Prospero’s island being drawn from the descriptions of Martha’s Vineyard.

Gosnold would go on to be one of the key organizers of the successful Jamestown settlement.  Now mostly forgotten, he deserves much greater recognition. Dana Huntley (2023) calls Gosnold: “a man who perhaps more than any other single individual is responsible for the establishment of British North America, a man whom history ought to have recognized in one sense as at least the Founding Grandfather of these fair colonies.”

Illustration:

Artist’s conception of the fort built by Bartholomew Gosnold’s expedition on Elizabeth Islet, Cuttyhunk in May/June 1602. Robert Maitland Brereton, Reminiscences of an Old English Civil Engineer 1858-1908.

Bibliography:

Quinn, D. B. and Quinn, A. M. (1983) Gabriel Archer’s account of Captain Bartholomew Gosnold’s voyage to ‘North Virginia’ in 1602. In: The English New England voyages, 1602-1608. Hakluyt Society, London. pgs 112-138.

Huntley, D. (2023) Bartholomew Gosnold – How England settled in the New World. British Heritage Travel. https://britishheritage.com/history/bartholomew-gosnold-englands-settled-new-world

Levermore, C. H. (1912) Forerunners and Competitors of the Pilgrims and Puritans. 2 vols. Brooklyn: New England Society.

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Indigenous traders in the Gulf of Maine

When the English began exploring the coast of Maine in the early 17th century, they were astonished to find that the local people already had European manufactured goods. Incredibly, the first Englishman to land in Maine (at Cape Elizabeth) in 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold, was hailed from a Biscay shallop by a man wearing black serge breeches and a European waistcoat.

As Gosnold’s chronicler Gabriel Archer described:  “… there came towards us a Biscay shallop with sails and oars, having eight people in it, whom we supposed at first to be Christians distressed, but approaching us near, we perceived them to be savages. These coming within call hailed us and we answered. Then, after signs of peace and a long speech by one of them, they came boldly aboard us, all naked, having about their shoulder’s certain loose deerskins, and near their waists sealskins tied fast to Irish trousers. One that seemed to be their commander wore a waistcoat of black, a pair of breeches, cloth stockings, shoes, a hat, and a band … they spoke diverse Christian words and seemed to understand much more than we …”  (Quinn and Quinn, 1967a:117).

So, while Europeans themselves had had no contact with the coast of Maine before 1602, their manufactured goods had already found their way into the region. The only source of these materials could have been Basque–Eastern Eichmann contacts along the far-off coasts of Newfoundland, Labrador, and the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Incredibly, soon after the first Europeans touched  Atlantic Canada, an extensive indigenous trade route evolved across Eastern Canada and New England for coveted manufactured goods.  

Rapidly following Cabot’s discovery of the cod fisheries of the Great Banks of Newfoundland in 1497,  Breton, Norman, and Basque fishing crews began exploiting the rich fishing beds along the coast of eastern Canada, setting up numerous temporary fishing camps to salt and dry the cod. By the 1540s, merchants in the Spanish and French Basque provinces had also begun to mount whaling voyages to this region and established numerous stations to extract whale oil.

Fur trading emerged in the second half of the 16th century as a means for fisherman and whalers to diversify their income. When the fishermen and whalers began visiting the coast, they came in increasing contact with the local Indigenous people. The fisherman began trading primarily metal objects for robes made of native-tanned beaver pelts, called castor gras by the French. Initially, the robes were used by the fisherman for warmth on the cold Atlantic crossings, but in the second half of the 16th century, it was discovered that these pelts could be converted into felt to make hats. A new industry was subsequently born when beaver-felt hats became the rage in Europe. 

Fishermen from the Province of Normandy, in northwestern France, were the first to take up trading in North America.  Notarial records show the first outfitting for the fur trade began about  1550.  These traders were bound for what was referred to as “Florida”, which then constituted all of eastern North America from Florida to Cape Breton Island.

Basque whalers soon followed the Norman fishermen into fur trading, with 15 ships being outfitted annually in the 1580s. They combined whaling with trading near the mouth of the Saguenay River (Turgeon, 1998). Brittany fishermen joined the Basques as fur traders in the late 16th century.

Bourque and Whitehead (1985) propose two routes for European goods to get to the Gulf of Maine. In the first, Etchemin carried furs and hides up the St. John and Penobscot Rivers and down the Riviere du Loup and Chaudiere in return for trade goods from those areas. The second route was taken by shallop-sailing Amerindians ranging the entire Gulf Coast bartering European goods brought from the St. Lawrence. By the time this pattern of trade was first observed in 1602 by Gosnold, it may have been in place for decades and probably ranged as far west as Massachusetts Bay. Thus, a massive exchange network was extending from Newfoundland to Cape Cod and stretching inland from the Gulf of Maine to far beyond the St. Lawrence Valley.

The people moving the goods across Nova Scotia to the Gulf of Maine and Cape Cod by boat were called by the English “Terrantines”. The exact nature of this term is disputed but these Indigenous traders probably represented what Champlain called the Souriquois (Mi’kmaq) of Nova Scotia and their neighboring Etchemin (Passamaquoddy and Maliseet) across the Bay of Fundy. Secoudon and Messamouet, who would later travel with Champlain in 1606 from St. Croix Island to Saco, Maine were Terrantines.  

Illustration: Basque settlement sites dating from the 16th and 17th centuries.Based on a map by Gérard Galliene (Quebec), illustrating the ”Les Basques dans l’estuarie du Saint-Laurent” by René Belanger. 1971. 

Bibliography

Bourque, B. J. and Whitehead, R. H. (1985) Tarrentines and the introduction of European trade goods in the Gulf of Maine. Ethnohistory 32(4): 327 – 341.

Prins, H. E. L. and McBride, B. (2007) Asticou’s Island Domain: Wabanaki Peoples at Mount Desert Island 1500-2000. Acadia National Park. Ethnography Program. National Park Service, Boston, MA. 

Turgeon, L. (1998). French fishers, fur traders, and Amerindians during the sixteenth century: History and Archaeology. The William and Mary Quarterly 55(4), 585-610.

Quinn, D. B. and Quinn, A. M.  (1983) The English New England voyages 1602 – 1608. Volume 161 of the Hakluyt Society, London

Featured

Precolonial North American History: The French colony at Port Royal

To avoid another bitter cold winter at St. Croix, de Monts decided to move the colony – lock, stock, and barrel – to the much more benevolent Port Royal across the Bay of Fundy in Nova Scotia. According to Champlain, “When this decision was arrived, all the buildings, provisions, people, stores, and animals were transported across the Bay of Fundy. The buildings were again set up here, not scattered about as at Ste. Croix, but in the form of a large square to protect the colonists against winter and the Indians” (Bigger 1901: 59). Champlain, Gravé Du Pont and 45 men would stay the winter, while the other two leaders of the mission, de Monts and Poutrincourt, would return to France to get their affairs in order. Gravé Du Pont was made governor.

The settlers were blessed with a much milder winter than before, and although scurvy again proved to be a problem, the colony lost only five of its residents to the disease this time. Water and game were readily available, and the local Mi’kmaq came to the settlement to trade fresh meat for French bread. The Frenchman became great friends with two of the local chiefs Secoudon and Messamouet.

When spring arrived, Gravé Du Pont had a pinnace fitted for another voyage of discovery along the coast of New England. With pilot Champdoré (Pierre Angibaut) at the helm, they set out on March 16 but crashed on Manan Island and, after repair, had to return to Port Royal. On April 9, they set out again and suffered another crash, this time destroying the boat. They were rescued by the local chief, Secoudon, and his companions. Champdoré was blamed for this accident and put in chains by Gravé Du Pont. 

By this time the colonists were becoming quite concerned that no relief vessels had arrived from France. When none had appeared by 15 June, Gravé Du Pont decided they must build another pinnace to travel to Cape Breton or Gaspé to find a ship to take them back to France. Many French fishermen had been chasing cod in the region for the last century. Champdoré, as an expert carpenter, was released to build the pinnace, and on July 17 they departed.  

It was another momentous journey, with Champdoré again playing a central role. As Champlain relates: “We came to anchor in Long Island strait, where during the night our cable broke, and we were in danger of being lost because of the great tidal currents which dash against numerous rocky points that lie within and at the outlet of this place: but by the efforts of all, this was avoided, and we managed that time to escape. On the twenty-first of the month, between Long Island and Cape Fourchu, there arose a heavy squall that broke our rudder-irons and placed us in such a predicament that we did not know what to do; for the fury of the sea did not permit us to land, since the breakers ran mountains high along the coast … Champdoré, who had again been handcuffed, said to some of us that if Pont-Grave were willing, he would find a means of steering our pinnace … Champdoré was accordingly set free for the second time; and thereupon, taking a rope and cutting it, he very cleverly mended the rudder, and made it act as well as ever it had done. In this way he makes amends for the mistakes he had committed on the first pinnace … and he was freed from the accusation against him. (Biggar, 1922: 385 – 386)

The group finally arrived at Cape Breton, where they learned upon landing that a relief vessel was on the way Port Royal. They turned back and, on July 22, found Poutincourt at Port Royal with 50 men, including Marc Lescarbot, a famous French author, poet, and lawyer. He would later become famous for his Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (1609), based on his Acadia experiences and other research.

As soon as the new and old groups of settlers were united, they got busy improving the colony for the next year. Leaving them to their work, Champlain, Poutrincourt, and the irrepressible Champdoré set out on another voyage along the coast of New England to Nauset Harbor, returning in the late fall (previous blog).

The colonists fared very well in the winter of 1606-07. Champlain organized the first social club in North America, the Ordre de Bon Temps (Order of Good Cheer), to maintain spirits and keep them occupied. Members took turns providing fresh game and leading a ceremonial procession to the table. During this winter, the first theatre event in Canadian history also took place – Marc Lescarbot’s Le Théâtre de Neptune.

When spring came, Poutrincourt set his men to work once more to till and hoe the ground and plant new seed. Plants from the seed that had been sowed the previous fall were now growing nicely. Great numbers of fish were coming up the river to spawn, and overall, the future looked very bright for the colony.

All seemed to promise well for the colonies’ future when, out of the blue, a  boat arrived to inform Poutrincourt and the colony that de Monts’ monopoly, originally granted for ten years, had been revoked during the winter. Everybody would have to return to France. The costs of maintaining the colony had risen so much that support for it could no longer be justified. Also, excluding other traders to maintain a monopoly had proven impossible.

Illustration: The first play in Canada – The Theatre of Neptune. Charles Williams Jefferys (1869 -1951). Library and Archives Canada.

Bibliography:

Biggar, H. P. (1901). The Early Trading Companies of New France: A contribution to the history of commerce and discovery in North America (Vol. 1). University of Toronto Library.

Biggar, H. P. (1922). The works of Samuel de Champlain. Vol. 1: 1599 – 1607. The Champlain Society, Toronto.

De Costa, B.F. (1891) The voyage of Pierre Angibaut, known as Champdoré, a captain in the marine of New France, made to the coast of Maine, 1608. Maine History Documents. 634. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/mainehistory/634

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Champlain’s third voyage down the coast of New England

On 29 August 1606, Champlain left Port Royal on his third voyage down the coast of New England.  He stopped briefly at St. Croix where he picked up the Mi’kmaq chieftains  Secoudon and Messamouet, who wanted to travel with him to Saco to ally with the people there.

The group left St. Croix on September 12, paused for a while in Casco Bay, and arrived at Saco on the 21st.  As Champlain relates: “On the 21st we reached Saco, where we saw Onemechin, chief of that river, and Marchin, who had finished harvesting their corn … In this place, we  rescued a prisoner from Onemechin, to whom Messamouet made presents of kettles, axes, knives, and other articles.  Onemechin made return in Indian corn, squashes, and Brazilian beans; but these did not altogether satisfy Messamouet, who departed much displeased because he had not been suitably repaid for what he had given them” (Biggar, 1922: 396). He would return the next year and conduct a brutal raid.

The group then proceeded to Cape Ann and then onto Gloucester Harbor, where they had a friendly interaction with a large group of locals. They then sailed to Cape Cod and Mallebarre.  Here, their interactions with the Nauset began well, but after a couple of weeks Champlain “observed that the Indians were taking down their wigwams and were sending into the woods their wives, children and provisions … This made us suspect some evil design  … ” (Biggar, 1922: 416)

Sure enough, a few days later, a small party of Frenchmen on the shore were attacked.“The Indians, to the number of four hundred, came quietly over a little hill, and shot such a salvo of arrows at them as to give them no chance of recovery before they were struck dead. Fleeing as fast as they could towards our pinnace, and crying out, “Help, help, they are killing us,” some of them fell dead in the water, while the rest were all pierced with arrows, of whom one died a short time afterward. These Indians made a desperate row, with war-whoops which it was terrible to hear” (Biggar, 1922: 421). 

The French attempted a counteroffensive, but the Nauset fled inland, and all that could be done was bury the dead bodies and raise a cross. Soon, as French historian Lescarbot writes, “the Nauset returned to the place of their murderous deed, uprooted the Cross, dug up one of the dead, took off his shirt, and put it on, holding up the spoils which they had carried off; and with all this they also turned their backs to the long-boat and made mock at us by taking sand in their two hands and casting it between their buttocks, yelping the while like wolves (Biggar, 1922: 423)

On October 16, Champlain decided to set sail, but his group didn’t get very far due to contrary winds before returning to Mallebarre Harbor. Forced to stay put, they decided that it was time to extract revenge. As Champlain relates, they would “seize a few Indians of this place, to take them to our settlement and make them grind corn at a hand mill as a punishment for the murderous assault committed upon five or six of our men … [But to do this they would have] to resort to stratagem … when they should come to make friends with us again, we should coax them, by showing them beads and other trifles, and should reassure them repeatedly; then we should take the shallop well-armed, and the stoutest and strongest men we had, each with a chain of beads and a match and should set these men on shore, where … we were to coax them with soft words to draw them into the shallop; and, should they be unwilling to enter, each of our men as he approached was to choose his man, and throwing the beads about his neck should at the same moment put a cord around the man to drag him on board by force …” (Bigger 1922: 478 – 479).

Champlain then states that “This was very well carried out, as arranged,” but gives no details. We can only assume that things actually did not go well, as later in his account he speaks of four or five sick and wounded compatriots and there is never a mention of any captives. Lescarbot reported that “over haste frustrated the design to capture the Indians, though six or seven of them were hacked and hewed in pieces(Bigger, 1922: 478).

Finally, on October 28, 1606, Champlain decided it was time to return to Port Royal. Their trip back would not be easy, as they suffered several misfortunes at sea. Most notably, the rudder of their ship would be damaged when their shallop surged at the end of its tow line and smashed into the rudder. They only made it back because their pilot Champdore managed a miraculous repair at sea.   

Illustration:  Champlain’s (1613) chart of the harbor of Beauport, present-day Gloucester, Massachusetts.

Literature cited:

Bigger, 1922. The works of Samuel de Champlain. Vol. 1: 1599 – 1607. The Champlain Society, Toronto.

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Samuel de Champlain’s visit to Massachusetts in 1605

After de Monts and Chaplain’s pleasant visit with the farmers of Saco Bay, they continued south to Cape Ann. Here they encountered another dense population of agricultural people, who also treated them warmly. Champlain recorded that they “saw a canoe containing five or six savages, who came out near our barque, and then went back and danced on the beach. Sieur de Monts sent me on shore to observe them, and to give each one of them a knife and some biscuit, which caused them to dance again better than before … The savages told us that all those inhabiting this country cultivated the land and sowed seeds like the others, whom we had before seen …. Sailing half a league farther, we observed several savages on a rocky point, who ran along the shore, dancing as they went, to their companions to inform them of our coming. After pointing out to us the direction of their abode, they made a signal with smoke to show us the place of their settlement. We anchored near a little island [Thatchers Island] and sent our canoe with knives and cakes for the savages … We saw here a great many little houses, scattered over the fields where they plant their Indian corn” (Grant, 1907: 67)

As they continued south, they had many more positive interactions with the Amerindians, until things turned ugly at what they named Port de Mallebarre (“Port of Dangerous Shoals” – now Nauset Harbor). De Monts, with nine or ten others (including Champlain), may have instigated the whole affair when they went tromping through fields of flowering corn, tobacco, beans, and squash. As they passed through, they helped themselves freely to the bounty without asking permission, surely riling the inhabitants.  

On the 23rd of July, the French had a deadly skirmish with the local Nauset people. As de Champlain relates: “four or five seamen having gone on shore with some kettles to get fresh water, some of the savages, coveting them, watched the time when our men went to the spring, and then seized one out of the hands of a sailor, who was the first to dip, and who had no weapons.  One of his companions, starting to run after him, soon returned, as he could not catch him, since he ran much faster than himself.  The other savages, of whom there was a large number, seeing our sailors running to our barque, and at the same time shouting to us to fire at them, took to flight.  At the time there were some of them in our barque, who threw themselves into the sea, only one of whom we were able to seize.  Those on the land who had taken to flight, seeing them swimming, returned straight to the sailor from whom they had taken away the kettle, hurled several arrows at him from behind, and brought him down. Seeing this, they ran at once to him and dispatched him with their knives.  Meanwhile,  haste was made to go on shore, and muskets were fired from our barque: mine, bursting in my hands, came near killing me.

The savages, hearing this discharge of firearms, took to flight, and with redoubled speed when they saw that we had landed, for they were afraid when they saw us running after them.  There was no likelihood of our catching them, for they are as swift as horses. We brought in the murdered man, and he was buried some hours later. Meanwhile, we kept the prisoner bound by the feet and hands on board of our barque, fearing that he might escape.  But Sieur de Monts resolved to let him go, being persuaded that he was not to blame and that he had no previous knowledge of what had transpired  … “Some hours later there came some savages to us, to excuse themselves, indicating by signs and demonstrations that it was not they who had committed this malicious act, but others farther off in the interior. We did not wish to harm them, although it was in our power to avenge ourselves.”  (Biggar, 1922: 353-354)

This encounter may have signaled a difference in attitude between the Abenaki in the relatively unsettled north and the Nauset in the more densely settled south. McManamon (2022) points out that: “the French were seeking a settlement located in an area that was already densely occupied … Vacant land in these locations might have been scarce, mainly fallow land set aside for subsequent use when their fertility was replenished. Such land would not have been available for new settlers to set up trading colonies or residences.”

It is also possible that the Nauset were reacting to previous insults from Europeans. In 1524, Giovanni Verrazano marched through the countryside of North Carolina and abducted a small boy. An English colony at Roanoke, North Carolina became “lost” in 1585 after the visitors burned down a village and fowled the corn of the locals. The Nauset had just recently been visited at Cape Cod by Bartholomew Goswald in 1602 and Martin Pring in 1603.  Both these expeditions ended with major confrontations, although the causes were unreported.  

At any rate, after their ugly skirmish with the Nauset, de Monts and Champlain decided it was time the go back to St. Croix. They had worn out their welcome, did not relish any more conflict and their supplies were getting dangerously low.

Figure: Champlain’s 1607 drawing of Nauset Harbor

Bibliography:

Bigger, H. P. (1922) The works of Samuel de Champlain. Volume 1: 1599 – 1607. The Champlain Society: Toronto.

Grant,  W. L. (ed.) (1907) Voyages of Samuel de Champlain 1604 – 1618. Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York.

McManamon F.P. (2022)The French Along the Northeast Coast—1604-1607, Saint Croix Island International Historic Site. National Park Service, Boston, MA.

Related blog:

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Samuel de Champlain’s second voyage to Maine

On the eighteenth of June, 1605, Samuel de Champlain and the Sieur de Monts set out from Ste. Croix Island, accompanied by nineteen sailors, and two Indigenous guides – Panounias, an eastern Wabanaki that spoke the language of northern Maine, and his wife, unnamed, a western Wabanaki who spoke the language of the south.

The group traveled down the coast of Maine, sailed past Mount Desert Island, and coasted into the Kennebec River. After traveling for some distance, they were met by two canoes of Wabanaki hunting birds. As Champlain describes: “ We accosted these Indians through our own, who went towards them with his wife, and she explained to them the reason for our coming. We made friends with them and with the Indians of that river who acted as our guides.” (Biggar, 1922: 315)

Coasting along Westport Island, they landed at Wiscasset, where the Wabanaki chief  Manthoumermer awaited them with twenty-five or thirty others. Champlain writes: “Drawing near our pinnace he made us a speech, in which he expressed his pleasure at seeing us, and said he desired an alliance with us, and through our mediation to make peace with their enemies. He added that the next day he would send word to two other Indian chiefs who were up country, one called Marchin, and the other Sasinou, chief of the Kennebec River.” (Biggar, 1922: 316)

The next day they were guided to Merrymeeting Bay, where the Kennebec and Androscoggin Rivers meet. They waited here for a day for Marchin and Sasinou, who did not show. They were then led back down the main Kennebec River to its mouth, where they caught “a great number of fine fish” (Biggar, 1922:320). Their guides subsequently went off hunting and did not return.

The Sieur de Monts and Champlain then sailed into Casco Bay and spent the night near Portland. Continuing the next day along the coast, Champlain describes: “We caught sight of two clouds of smoke which some Indians were making for us, and heading towards them we came to anchor behind a small island close to the mainland [Ram Island]. Here we saw more than eighty Indians, who ran along the shore to observe us, dancing and showing by signs their pleasure thereat. The Sieur de Monts sent two men with our Indian to go and fetch them, and after these had spoken to them for some time and had assured them of our friendship, we left one of our men with them, and they delivered to us one of their companions as a hostage.” (Biggar, 1922: 323)

They anchored for a while in Saco Bay and then entered the Saco River. Here Champlain describes:  “a large number of Indians came towards us upon the bank of the river and began to dance. Their chief, whose name was Honemechin, was not then with them; but he arrived about two or three hours later with two canoes, and went circling round and round our pinnace … These people showed that they were much pleased … The Sieur de Monts had certain articles given to their chief, with which he was much pleased, and he came on board several times to visit us.” (Biggar, 1922: 325-327)

The following day the Sieur de Monts and Champlain went on shore and were astonished to find a series of great agricultural fields that ran along the bank of the river. As Champlain tells it: “ We saw their grain, which is Indian corn. This they grow in gardens, sowing three or four grains in one spot, after which, with the shells of the aforesaid sign, they heap about it a quantity of earth …Amongst this com, they plant in each hillock three or four Brazilian beans [Phaseolus vulgaris], which come up in different colors. When fully grown these plants twine around the aforementioned corn, which grows to a height of five to six feet; and they keep the ground very free from weeds. We saw there many squashes, pumpkins, and tobacco, which they likewise cultivate! They plant their corn in May and harvest it in September.” (Biggar,  1922: 327)

The Sieur de Monts and Champlain then headed further south to Cape Ann, leaving Saco Bay extremely impressed with the coast and the people of Maine.  In southern New England, they would observe another great agricultural people, the Nauset,  who would be much more aggressive towards them and essentially would chase them away.

On June 25, they left Nauset harbor and traveled north-east, until they were well clear of the coast, and then swung to the north back to Saco Bay where he met with Marchin, the chief they had hoped to see previously at Kennebec. Biggans (1922: 263) places their meeting site at present-day Prouts Neck in Scarborough, Maine, and their anchorage between Bluff and Stratten Islands. The Sieur de Monts gave Marchin many presents, which pleased him, and in return, he gave them a young Etchemin boy whom he had captured in war.

They then sailed northeast back to Kennebec, where they arrived on June 29.  Here they hoped to meet Sasinou whom they had missed before, but once again he did not show. They did, however, meet another chief named Anassou, whom they bartered with and became friends. The de Monts party then headed back to St. Croix Island, moving briskly along the remaining coast of Maine.

Figure: Champlain’s 1607 map of Saco Bay

Literature cited

Bigger, H. P. (1922) The works of Samuel de Champlain. Vol 1. The Champlain Society, Toronto.

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Samuel de Champlain’s first exploration of coastal Maine

While the artisans were busy building the French settlement at St. Croix, Pierre Dugua sent Samuel de Champlain with 12 sailors and 2 local guides to explore along the coast of what is now Maine.  It would be the first deep European penetration into this region.

They set out on September 2, 1604, and heading down the coast they “passed a great number of islands, sand-banks, shoals, and rocks” and within a few days sighted Mount Desert Island, which Champlain named for the stone mountain peaks, that were bare of trees. He described Mt. Desert Island as: “about four or five leagues in length, of which we were almost lost on a little rock, level with the surface of the water, which made a hole in our pinnace close to the keel. The distance from this island to the mainland on the north is not a hundred paces. It is very high and cleft in places, giving it the appearance of the sea of seven or eight mountains one alongside the other. The tops of them are bare of trees because there is nothing there but rocks. The woods consist only of pines, firs, and birches. I named it Mount Desert Island ” (Bigger, 1922: 282).

On September 6, Champlain came across two local Etchemin [eastern Wabanaki] rowing a canoe. After some initial trepidation, the French exchanged some “trifles” for fish, and the Etchemin led them further south to the mouth of the Penobscot River and up the river about 20 miles to the fall line at present-day Bangor, Maine.

Champlain reported that along the riverbank were: “…neither town nor village, nor any traces that there ever had been any, but only one or two empty Indian wigwams…” He was told by his guides that ”they come there [to the river] and to the islands only for a few months in summer during the fishing and hunting season when the game is plentiful. They are a people of no fixed abode, from what I have discovered and learned from themselves; for they pass the winter sometimes in one place and sometimes in another, wheresoever they perceive the hunting of wild animals is the best” (Bigger, 1922: 292). The Etechemins and other Eastern Wabanakis groups followed a migratory foraging subsistence way of life (Prins and McBride 2007:1-3). 

Near Bangor, Champaign and his party met on shore with another group of Etchemins and two of their leaders, Bessabez and Cabhis. Each was accompanied by at least 30 followers. As Champagne describes the encounter: “I ordered the crew of our pinnace to draw near the Indians and to hold their weapons in readiness to do their duty in case they perceived any movement of these people against us. Bessabez, seeing us on shore, bade us sit down, and began with his companions to smoke, as they usually do before beginning their speeches. They made a present of venison and waterfowl “(Bigger, 1922: 295).

The meeting went smoothly, and strong desires were expressed for cooperation and alliance.  Champlain conveyed: “that the Sieur de Monts had sent me to them, and also their country; that he wished to remain friends with them, and reconcile them with their enemies, the Souriquois and Canadians [Mi’kmaq]; moreover, that he desired to settle in their country and show them how to cultivate it, so that they might no longer lead so miserable an existence as they were doing; and several other remarks on the same subject…I made them presents of hatchets, rosaries, caps, knives, and other little knick-knacks; then we separated. The rest of this day and the following night they did nothing but dance, sing, and make merry, awaiting the dawn when we bartered a certain number of beaver skins.” (Bigger, 1922: 295 – 296)

Thus, the two cultures made their first tentative steps to seek an arrangement that would reward them both. The meeting concluded; Champlain and his men sailed down the river the next day. They explored Penobscot Bay and the mid-coast region a bit more, and then returned to the St. Croix settlement, arriving there on 2 October.

Figure: Samuel de Champlain’s 1607 map of the coast of New England. Library of Congress, Geography & Map Division.

Bibliography:

Bigger, H. P. (1922) The works of Samuel de Champlain. Volume 1: 1599 – 1607. The Champlain Society: Toronto.

Prins, H. E. L. and McBride, B. (2007) Asticou’s Island Domain: Wabanaki Peoples at Mount Desert Island 1500-2000. Acadia National Park. Ethnography Program. National Park Service, Boston, MA. 

Featured

Precolonial North American History: The first French settlement in Maine

In 1603, King Henry of France granted Pierre Degua a monopoly on the fur trade in the New World and asked him to colonize l’Acadie, covering eastern Canada and the northeastern United States.  The goal was to set up a settlement from which furs could be obtained from the Indigenous peoples of New England. 

Degua put together an expedition force of hundred and twenty men and two vessels, one captained by François Gravé Du Pont and another, which he captained himself. On board were also French noble Jean de Biencourt de Poutrincourt and Samuel de Champlain as the cartographer and historian. It would be Champlain’s first visit to New France.

The expedition set sail from Le Havre in April 1603 and arrived at the coast of Nova Scotia in May, in a very rapid crossing. Gravé Du Pont and Champagne then made a careful examination of the coast of Acadia for potential settlement sites. After exploring for a bit, they decided to build their settlement on a small island (now Muttoneguis Island)  in the St. Croix River, which divides what is now Maine and New Brunswick. It caught their eye as a handsome island that would be easy to fortify. Champlain wrote: “This place we considered the best we had seen, both on account of its situation, the fine country, and for the intercourse we were expecting with the Indians of these coasts and the interior, since we should be in their midst…” (Grant, 1907: 40)

On the development of their fort, Champlain continues: “Each worked so efficiently that in a very short time it was put in a state of defense, though the mosquitoes (which are little flies) gave us great annoyance while at work, and several of our men had their faces so swollen by their bites that they could scarcely see … all set to work to clear the island, to fetch wood, to cut timber, to carry earth, and other things necessary for the construction of the buildings” (Grant, 1907: 42).

By the end of September, snow began to fall and the settlers’ preparations for winter were cut short. The river became impassable with treacherous ice flows, and they could no longer cross to the mainland. This left them with a shortage of drinking water and firewood. As the winter progressed. the men began to fall prey to scurvy. Champlain’s descriptions of this disease are quite graphic: “There was engendered in the mouths of those who had it large pieces of superfluous fungus flesh (which caused a great putrification), and this increased to such a degree that they could scarcely take anything except in very liquid form. Their teeth barely held in their places and could be drawn out with the fingers without causing pain.” (Grant, 1907: 53)

Spring came at last in May, and to the settler’s great relief and joy, relief arrived on June 15, 1605 in a ship loaded with supplies. Of the 79 men who wintered at St. Croix, 35 died, and 20 more were severely debilitated when spring came. The selection of St. Croix Island for a settlement turned out to be a great mistake, as it was too exposed to the extreme winter weather. Champlain wrote: “It was difficult to know this country without having wintered there; for on arriving in summer everything is very pleasant on account of the woods, the beautiful landscapes, and the fine fishing for the many kinds of fish we found there …There are six months of winter in that country.” (Grant, 1907: 55)

Illustration: Isle Saint Croix (Ste Croix) as depicted by Samuel de Champlain. Source: Dans”Les voyages de Champlain…”/ Samuel de Champlain, Paris, J. Berjon, 1613

Bibliography

Grant,  W. L. (ed.) (1907) Voyages of Samuel de Champlain 1604 – 1618. Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York.

McManamon F.P. (2022) The French along the Northeast Coast—1604-1607, Saint Croix Island International Historic Site. National Park Service, Boston, MA.

Otis, C. P. (1880) Voyages of Samuel de Champlain: Translated from the French. Prince Society, Boston

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Role of alien abductions

A common practice during the European discovery of Atlantic America was the abduction of Indigenous people. Some abductees were taken as trophies and displayed as exotic wonders, others were grabbed to interrogate and then used as pilots and guides, while still others were snatched to sell as slaves. There were thirteen recorded abductions between 1500 and 1615, spanning the entire eastern seaboard (Table 1). Captives were taken from seven different Indigenous groups.  

Not all expeditions took captives, but the odious practice was very common. This trail of tears started with the very early Portuguese expeditions to northeastern Canada, then the Spanish exploits in Florida and the southeast, followed by the French in  North Carolina and Ontario, and the English in eastern Canada, Virginia, and New England. 

Indigenous people abducted in the 15th and 16th centuries in Atlantic America

1500 – 3 Beothuk, Labrador, Francis Fernandez & Joao Gonzales, Trophies (1)

1508 – 5 Beothuk, Newfoundland, Thomas Aubert, Trophies (2)

1517 – 500 Cusabo, South Carolina, Pedro de Salazar, Slavery (3)

1521 – 150 Cusabo, South Carolina, Francisco Gordillo and Pedro de Quejo, Slavery (5)

1523 – 50 Beothuk, Newfoundland, Estêvão Gomes, Slavery (6)

1524 – 1 Coree, North Carolina, Giovanni da Verrazzano, Trophy (6)

1534 – 2 St. Lawrence Iroquoian, Ontario, Jacques Cartier, Interpreters/guides (7)

1536 – 9 St. Lawrence Iroquoian, Ontario, Jacques Cartier, Interpreters/guides (8)

1577 – 3 Inuit, Greenland, Martin Frobisher, Trophies (9)

1584 – 2 Coree, North Carolina, Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe, Interpreters/guides (10)

1605 – 5 Wabanaki, Maine, George Waymouth, Interpreter/guides  (11)

1611 – 5 Wabanaki and Nauset, Maine and Martha’s Vineyard, Edward Harlow, Interpreter/guides (12)

1614 – 27 Nauset, Plymouth and Cape Cod, Thomas Hunt, Slavery (13)

Sources:

1. Biggar, H.P. (1911) The precursors of Jacques Cartier 1497-1534: A collection of documents relating to the early history of the Dominion of Canada. Ottawa Government Printing Bureau.

2. Lanctot, G.(2003b)  La Roche de Mesgouez, Troilus de. Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 1, University of Toronto/Université Laval,

3. Hoffman, P. E. (1980) A New Voyage of North American Discovery: Pedro de Salazar’s Visit to the “Island of Giants” The Florida Historical Quarterly. 58(4) 415-426

4. Johnson, J. G. (1923) A Spanish settlement in Carolina, 1526. The Georgia Historical Quarterly, 7(4): 339-345.

5. Vigneras,  L.A. (2003) Corte-real, Gaspar,” Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Vol. 1, University of Toronto/Université Laval

6. Wroth, L.C. 1970. The voyages of Giovanni da Verrazzano, 1524-1528. Published for the Pierpont Morgan Library by Yale University Press, New Haven.

7, 8, 10 & 11. Burrage, H.S. (ed.) (1906) Early English and French voyages chiefly from Hakluyt 1534-1608. Charles Scribner’s Sons: New York.

9. Collinson, R. (1867) The three voyages of Martin Frobisher, searching for a passage to Cathay and India by the North-west, A.D. 1576-8. Reprinted from the first ed. of Hakluyt’s Voyages, with selections from manuscript documents in the British Museum and State Paper Office.  Hakluyt Society London.

12. Swett, S. (1899) Stories of Maine. American Book Company, New York.  

13. Burrage, H. S. (1923) Gorges and the Province of Maine 1622 grant, A tercentenary memorial. State of Maine.

Illustration: Captain Weymouth’s expedition in Penobscot Bay in Maine, from: “A Book of American Explorers” By Thomas Wentworth Higginson Published by Lee and Shepard, 1877.

Featured

Precolonial North American History: The French begin a fur trading empire

Fur trading emerged in the second half of the 16th century in eastern Canada as a means for fisherman to diversify their income. When they began salting and drying their cod on the Newfoundland coast they came in increasing contact with the local Indigenous People. The fisherman began trading metal objects for robes made of native-tanned beaver pelts, called castor gras by the French. Initially, the fisherman used the robes for warmth on the cold Atlantic crossings, but in the second half of the 16th century, it was discovered that these pelts could be converted into felt to make hats. A new industry was born when beaver-felt hats became the rage in Europe. 

Fishermen from the Province of Normandy, in northwestern France, were the first to take up trading in North America.  Notarial records show the first outfitting for the fur trade after 1550.  These traders were bound for what was referred to as “Florida”, which then constituted all of eastern North America from Florida to Cape Breton Island. Cod fishermen plied the coast from Newfoundland to Cape Cod, the southern boundary of the cod fisheries.

Basque whalers soon followed the Norman fishermen into fur trading, with 15 ships being outfitted annually in the 1580s. They combined whaling with trading near the mouth of the Saguenay River. Brittany fishermen joined the Basques as fur traders in the late 16th century.

Fur trading in the mid-1580s was stimulated by a general expansion in the market for fur, but specifically, the beaver had become the rage due to the popularity of the broad-brimmed felt hat. The downy portion of beaver pelts is far superior to other furs for making felt. The depletion of fur-bearing animals in Western Europe had forced hat makers to look to Atlantic America to supply their needs.

The Estuary of the St. Lawrence River became a hotbed of French trading activity as it could support both whaling and fur trading.  Whales migrated here: “in large numbers, feeding on the phytoplankton and zooplankton that abounded in its waters” and traders “could draw from the south shore of the St. Lawrence for substantial fur resources, from the northern regions via the vast Saguenay-Lac Saint-Jean hydrographic system, and from the Great Lakes region via the St. Lawrence” (Turgeon, 1998).

The St. Lawrence fisheries became: “a powerful pole of attraction for European commerce, mobilizing hundreds of ships annually from midcentury. The fur trade developed concomitantly, amplifying contacts between Europeans and Amerindians. Three French groups were trading in two different regions: Basques and. to a lesser extent. Breton seamen from St. Malo shared the gulf and estuary of St. Lawrence. and Normans plied the waters off Cape Breton and the Florida coast. Norman trade began earlier. probably around 1560, but was less intense than the Basque. which started in earnest in 1580s. The French traded copper goods (kettles, harness bells, pendants, and the like), axes, knives, swords, beads, haberdashery, and fabric for beaver, marten, and otter fur and moose hides.“

The traders of the St. Lawrence Valley

By 1600, the once populous St. Lawrence Iroquoians discovered by Jacquez Cartier in the 1530s  were now gone. They were extinct. It is unclear what happened to them. As Gagné (2015) describes: “In the late 16th century the St Lawrence Iroquoians mysteriously disappeared, abandoning their former territories sometime between the last voyage of the French explorer Jacques Cartier in 1541, and the subsequent expedition of Samuel de Champlain in 1603.  In fact, except for a few pieces of scattered information, very little is known about the fate of the St Lawrence Iroquoians. Researchers have different theories or use a combination of factors to explain the departure of these groups from the St Lawrence Valley. The main causes were likely the impact of diseases transmitted by Europeans, wars of conquest initiated by outside groups (the Huron or Five Nations Iroquois: Mohawk, Cayuga, Onondaga, Oneida, and Seneca), and the control of trade routes with Europeans. To this day, however, none of these hypotheses has been truly validated”

It was now the Innu (Montagnais) who had for centuries migrated in the summer to the St. Lawrence Valley that had become the middleman in the lucrative fur trade. This trade became “their leading source of income, and they did not permit any other traders  – Indian or European – to go up the Saguenay at the pain of death. Control of this artery was vital to their prosperity “ (Fisher, 2008: 137).

Over time vast trade networks would develop between the tribes across Ontario and beyond,  each protecting their part of the trade routes from outsiders. Champlain would describe two major trading networks, one operating on the Saguenay and the other on the Ottawa River. Each of the Algonquian tribes along these rivers strove to control the trade coming from upriver and to prevent the French from making direct contact with the tribes of that region. The first half of the 17th century would become a period of constant conflict over the control of fur supplies.

Illustration: The American beaver

Bibliography:

Fisher, D.H. (2008) Champlain’s dream. Simon and Schuster, New York.

Gagné, M. (2015). St Lawrence Iroquoians. The Canadian Encyclopedia. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/st-lawrence-iroquoians

Turgeon, L. (1998) French Fishers, Fur Traders, and Amerindians during the Sixteenth Century: History and Archaeology. The William and Mary Quarterly 55:585-610

Featured

Indigenous people of Atlantic America: The Wampanoag  

When the first Europeans arrived in Southern New England in the early 1600s, there were about 15,000 Wampanoag in about forty permanent villages in northern Rhode Island and southeastern coastal Massachusetts and its offshore islands (now known as Martha’s Vineyard and Nantucket). They were a large confederation of at least 24 different tribes. Their Algonquian relatives the Nauset inhabited the western half of Cape Cod, and the Narragansett were in Rhode Island.

The Wampanoag were primarily farmers, growing maize, beans, squash, gourds and tobacco, but they also hunted, fished, and gathered fruits, seeds, and the roots of wild plants. Like other Amerindian farmers, they followed a seasonal schedule. They prepared and planted their fields in the spring and summer and subsisted largely on clams, herring, and other fish. Their crops were harvested in the early fall, and the late fall and winter were devoted to hunting deer, bears, and occasionally moose.

The Wampanoag labored mightily to clear, plant, weed, and watch over their fields. The men prepared the fields for planting and then the women took over the farming. They planted three or four maize seeds in hills along with bean seeds that would intertwine the maize as it matured. The hills were spaced about three feet apart and between them were planted the squash and gourds. They used large seashells to move the soil, digging sticks to make holes for seeds, hoes to till the soil, and spades to dig roots. The corn was threshed to remove the kernels from the husk, these were then dried in the sun on mats, and then stored in pits dug in the earth.

Fishing was second to farming as a source of sustenance. Fish could be harvested all year long from rivers and the ocean. The Wampanoag made heavy dugout canoes by hollowing out logs of large trees. Shellfish were also available throughout the year, including oysters, scallops, soft-shelled crabs, and quahogs. Lobsters were used as bait. The Wampanoag fished with spears, lines with bone hooks, nets of woven plant fibers, weirs, and stakes that were driven across rivers.

Foraging by women and children was an important source of food all year. A wide variety of berries could be gathered including strawberries, raspberries, huckleberries, and currents. They also gathered wild leeks and onions and dug groundnuts. In the fall they gathered acorns and chestnuts. 

In the winter, everyone moved inland to hunting camps in family groups of 10 – 20. Many Wampanoag lived in oval-shaped longhouses during the winter. The longhouse villages were surrounded by fencing (palisades) and reinforced with mud. Longhouses were built up to 200 feet long, 20 feet wide and 20 feet high. The longhouses had smoke holes in the roof to allow air and light in and smoke to escape. The smoke hole had a birchbark cover to keep out the rain. The position of the cover could be moved as the direction of the wind changed. Mats for these winter homes were woven from bulrushes. The mats were used for both the outside and interior of the Wampanoag longhouse and frequently painted black and red.

The Wampanoag tribe lived in temporary shelters during the summer known as Wigwams, aka wetus or wikkums. The word ‘Wetu’ means “house”. They are small cone-shaped houses with an arched roof made of wooden frames from saplings (young trees) that are covered with sheets of birchbark. Wide sheets of bark from large, older trees covered the frames of the wetus, which were held in place by ropes or strips of wood. These summer wigwams were covered with woven mats using cattails, tall, stiff plants, growing almost ten feet tall.

The Wampanoag were ruled by hereditary sachems, who had councils of esteemed men to advise them. The Sachems settled disputes, granted land to individuals for farming, and dealt with outsiders. The extent of their power was very dependent on popular support. If the people were unhappy with their leadership, they would desert their villages and move to another.  When the Pilgrims first arrived, the Wampanoag’s leader was Massasoit. He was a supreme sachem who ruled over seven lesser sachems and their villages.

Figure: Historic tribal territories of Southern New England, ca. 16th century (Wikimedia Commons)

Bibliography: Weinstein-Farson, L. (1989) The Wampanoag (Indians of North America). Chelsea House Publishers, New York

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Thomas Dermer’s adventures in New England with the former captives Squanto and Epenow

In an amazing turn of events, while Captain Thomas Dermer was on a voyage to Newfoundland in 1616, he stumbled upon Squanto (Tisquantum), an Amerindian from Cape Cod who had been taken captive by Thomas Hunt in 1615. Incredibly, Squanto had been sold as a slave by Hunt in Spain, rescued by monks, and taken to London by the merchant John Slaney, who had then sent him to Newfoundland as a guide. Dermer immediately realized that Squanto could be invaluable to him as an interpreter in his expeditions and took him back to England. There is no record as to whether he made this additional move willingly.

In 1619, Dermer and Squanto were sent by Ferdinando Gorges to fish, further explore the natural resources of New England, and re-initiate trade with the Indigenous people along that coast. At the end of this expedition, Squanto was to be returned to his original home at Patuxet (Plymouth).  

The expedition started at Mohegan in the Gulf of Maine where  Dermer and Squanto left most of the crew to fish and they set sail southward. They traveled along the New England coast in a small pinnace of five tons.  To their horror, when they eventually arrived at Patuxet, they found that every man, woman, and child had been wiped out by the plague.  Epidemics had swept across New England and the Canadian Maritimes between 1614 and 1620 and had devastated the Wampanoag and Massachusett, with mortality reaching 100% in many mainland villages. 

After surveying the tragedy at Patuxet, Dermer and Squanto, headed inland to search for survivors and information on what had happened. After a day of travel, they found the still-inhabited village of Namasket (Middleton, MA) and learned of the tragedy that had destroyed the local population. Dermer and Squanto then returned to Patuxet and began exploring the islands of Boston Harbor looking for gold. In mid-June, Dermer headed back to Monhegan leaving Squanto behind.  Squanto would later play a central role as an interpreter and guide for the Pilgrims when the Mayflower landed in Plymouth Bay in 1620.

At Mohegan, Dermer dispatched the fishing boats to England and then continued to explore the Eastern coastline in his pinnacle, traveling from Monhegan back towards Cape Cod. During the voyage south, Dermer and crew had to endure many storms, leaks, and attacks. At one critical point, they had to ditch most of their provisions overboard to keep control of the ship before it was dashed upon the rocks.

Dermer’s relations with the local people became very tenuous without Squanto’s help. On the southern tip of Cape Cod, Dermer, and his crew were attacked by a group of Nauset. Dermer was only able to escape by holding a leader and two others as hostages. Remarkably, he was able to ransom them back for a few hatchets and a canoe full of corn.

Dermer then departed for Capawack (Martha’s Vineyard) where he encountered another former captive Amerindian, Epenow (also spelled Epanow) who had been kidnapped by Edward Harlow and four others in 1609. After his abduction, Epenow had been shown as a “wonder” in England for a year or so and was eventually acquired by Ferdinando Gorges and kept on his estate. He got back to Capawak by tricking his “host” Gorges into thinking that he knew the location of a gold mine and then escaped when Gorges sent a mission to find it.

Dermer headed next to Plymouth Harbor where he and his crew wintered in 1619. Dermer would be the last of a long line of explorers who visited Plymouth Harbor before the Pilgrims arrived in 1620. Englishmen Martin Pring and John Smith had been in the bay, and Bartholomew Gosnold had passed by but had not landed. The Frenchman, Sieur de Monts, had also made short stays there.

In the spring Dermer headed north to New England and found that the Dutch had arrived in Manhattan and he warned them that they were trespassing on English ground. He then traveled back to Patuxet, where five months later the Mayflower would arrive carrying 102 Pilgrims.

The final fate of Dermer is a bit cloudy. Most reports suggest he was mortally wounded in an ambush while trying to trade with Amerindians. Epenow may have led this ambush, as Dunn (1993) tells the story: “In 1620 Dermer returned to New England according to Gorges, stopping at Nautican or Nantucket, and Martha’s Vineyard, where Epanow spoke about his escape in English and laughed. Then, after questioning Dermer about Gorges’ intent, Epanow lost faith, and he and his companions attacked Dermer and his crew. Dermer received fourteen or fifteen wounds.   All of Dermer’s men were slain except for one who had stayed in the boat. While Dermer tried to get into the boat, Epanow and company would have cut off Dermer’s head upon a small cabin in the boat, if Dermer’s man had not rescued Dermer with a sword and escaped with him to Virginia, where Denner died from his wounds or from a disease.”

Illustration: Squanto or Tisquantum teaching the Plymouth colonists to plant corn. From: G. A. Bricker, The Teaching of Agriculture in the High School. New York: Macmillan, 1911. Page 112.

Bibliography:

Burrage, H. S. (1923) Gorges and the grant of the province of Maine 1922: A tercentenary memorial. State of Maine, Portland.

Dermer, T. (1905) [1619] Dermer’s letter to Thomas Purchas, 1619. pp. 127-136. In: Winship, G. P. Sailors Narratives of Voyages Along the New England Coast, 1524-1624.Houghton, Mifflin & Company: Boston.

Dunn, J.P. (1993) Squanto before he met the Pilgrims. Bulletin of the Massachusetts Historical Society 54 (1): 38 – 42.

Hunt, E. (2003) Dermer, Thomas. In: Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 1, University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2023, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/dermer_thomas_1E.html.

Mark, J. J. (2021).  Jamestown colony of Virginia. World History Encyclopedia. https://www.worldhistory.org/Jamestown_Colony_of_Virginia/

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Captain John Smith maps New England

In 1614, Ferdinando Gorges and the Plymouth Company engaged the former governor of Jamestown, Capt. John Smith, to sail to New England ostensibly to hunt whales for oil, and search for gold and copper. If these endeavors failed, fish and furs were to be the backup. With Smith on this mission were Thomas Hunt, who would go rogue and become a slaver, and Thomas Dermer, who would later explore New England with one of Hunt’s captives.     

It was the backup that proved most profitable. As Smith related in his 1616 book, A Description of New England: “We found this Whalefishing a costly conclusion – we saw many, and spent much time in chasing them; but could not kill any … For our gold, it was rather the Master’s device to get a voyage that projected it, than any knowledge he had at all of such a matter. Fish and Furs was now our guard ….”(Smith, 1865:3).

Smith soon bored with fishing, and left his companions to the task, while he explored what he coined “New England”. In his words: “That part we call New England is betwixt the degrees of 41. and 45: but that part this discourse speaks of, stretched but from Penobscot to Cape Cod, some 75 leagues by a right line distant each from other: within which bounds I have seen at least 40 several habitations upon the Sea Coast and sounded about 2 5 excellent good Harbors; In many whereof, there is anchorage for 500  ships of any burthen; in some of them for 5000: And more than 200 Iies overgrown with good timber, of diverse sorts of wood, which doe make so many harbo.rs as required a longer time than I had, to be well discovered” (Smith, 1616: 25).

During this voyage, Smith traded rifles with the Amerindians for 11,000 beaver skins and 100 each of martin and otter.

Upon his return to England, Smith published in his 1616 book the first map that accurately displays the coast of Maine and Massachusetts. In the book’s dialogue, he raved endlessly about the promise of New England and how the Amerindians could be easily subjugated to serve the settlers. It promoted Smith as a potential travel guide who could serve as an important resource for people wanting to migrate there. The Pilgrims nearly selected him in 1620 to be their advisor but instead selected Miles Standish. They did, however, use his map of New England to find their way to Plymouth.  

The fowl deed of Thomas Hunt

When he had finished exploring New England, Smith returned home leaving his lieutenant Thomas Hunt behind. Hunt’s instructions were to continue fishing and trading until his ship’s hull was full. However, Hunt’s mission took on a dark and ominous turn when he decided to engage in the slave trading business to enhance his personal profit from the voyage. He seized at least twenty-seven people from around Cape Cod and Martha’s Vineyard, to sell into Spanish slavery.

Smith (1616) was convinced that Hunt’s actions were directed at him; by inflaming the local population, Smith said, he could “prevent that intent I had to make a plantation there“, keeping the country in “obscurity” so that Hunt and a few merchants could monopolize it. According to Smith, Hunt had taken his maps and notes of the area to defeat Smith’s settlement plans. He could not believe that Hunt was driven by greed since there was “little private gain” to be gotten; Hunt “sold those silly Salvages for Rials of eight.”

The captives were carried off to Malaga, Spain, where Hunt tried to sell them at £20 each. Some of the local monks discovered what was happening. They took the remaining Indians from Hunt in order “to instruct them in the Christian faith, thus disappointing this unworthy fellow of the hopes of gain he conceived to make by this new and devilish plot.” (Burrage, 1923: 144).

One of the Ameridians named Tisquantum (more commonly known as Squanto) lived with the monks for a year or two until he made his way to London under the care of John Slaney, a merchant, treasurer of the Newfoundland Company, and a shipbuilder. As will be described in another blog, Tisquantum would become a key player in the English exploration and settlement of America.

Illustration: John Smith’s 1616 map of New England

Bibliography:

Burrage, H. S. (1923) Gorges and the grant of the Province of Maine 1622, A tercentenary memorial. State of Maine.

Smith, J. (1865) [1616] A Description of New England or Observations and Discoveries in the North of America in the Year of our Lord, 1615. William Veazie, Boston (1865) Reprint. Originally published: H. Lownes, for R. Clerke, London.

Featured

Indigenous people of Atlantic America: The Wabanaki

There are two major groups within the Wabanaki – the Eastern Wabanaki (Etchemin and Mi’kmaq) located from Newfoundland to the Kennebec River Valley, and the Western Wabanaki (Abenaki) found between the Kennebec and Merrimack River Valley.  The Eastern Wabanaki depended solely on hunting, fishing, and gathering, while the Western Wabanaki also grew maize, squash, and beans in semi-permanent villages.

The Etchemin lived in villages in times of plenty and went through an annual cycle of migration – moving southward to seashore camps for the summer, and then northward to deep woods hunting camps in the fall and winter. They foraged in small extended families, that were part of a larger tribal community that numbered between 300-500 people. The kin groups lived on their own for most of the year, foraging in their familiar areas, but in the spring, rejoined larger kin groups at food-rich sites. Many hundreds of tribal members and visitors from distant regions would then encamp together.

“Each kin group within the small communities had its own vested interests in certain tracts of forest, stretches of rivers and lakes, peninsulas, seashores, and coastal islands sustaining them … Successive generations of Indian hunters, fishers, and gatherers periodically returned to these familiar places where they could hunt, fish, and gather for some time, before moving on to another place to set up camp. With kinship ties, including intermarriage, between neighboring families, they would have operated in close association, and their foraging territories probably overlapped “ (Prins and McBride, 2007:pgs. 17-18).

The Wabanaki hunted and foraged widely. They used dogs to chase their prey, especially moose, deer, and caribou. They also hunted bears, beavers, otters, gray seal, waterfowl, and other birds. “They tapped the sweet sap of the maple tree and harvested greens (young ferns or fiddleheads, etc.), wild fruits (strawberries, etc.), nuts (chestnuts, etc.), seeds (wild rice, etc.) and edible roots and tubers (groundnuts, etc.). Etchemin families dug clams in the mudflats. Other shellfish were also eaten, including lobster, some being 20 pounds in weight … Etchemins used harpoons to take seals, porpoise, and sturgeon, and special three-pronged fish spears to catch salmon, trout and bass. At night, they lured the fish with torches of burning birchbark from their canoes. This way, a man could spear up to 200 fish during one trip. In addition to using nets, hooks and lines, Etchemins caught a variety of fish in weirs made of wooden stakes placed in a shallow stream or small tidal bay.” (Prins and McBride, 2007 – pgs. 21-22).

Wabanaki crafted their tools, clothes, and implements from available resources. They carved harpoons, needles, awls, and fishing hooks from animal bones. They built seaworthy canoes of birch bark, with a white cedar frame sewn with black spruce root, sealed with spruce gum or pitch, and lined with Northern white cedar slats. They used chipped stone to craft arrowheads, knives, scrapers, and heavy woodworking tools. They made ceramic cooking pots from fired clay mixed with crushed rock grit or shells. These pots were decorated with a variety of intricate designs that changed over time. They used sweetgrass to weave baskets. Their clothing was made of animal hides and furs, mostly moose, caribou, beaver, bear, and seal.

The Wabanaki lived in tent-like, birchbark homes called wigwams, which means “home” in Algonquian-based languages. They were cone-shaped, with a hole in the top to let out smoke from an internal fire.  The interior was blanketed with large deer, moose, and bear pelts. Animal hides hung over the doorway to keep the elements out.

The Wabanaki leaders were usually chosen from a small group of men belonging to families believed to possess supernatural powers. The ”sokom” (sagamore or chieftain) kept his position until he died, or the people lost confidence in him. A new tribal leader was elected from among the leading family heads, but most were selected from the same respected family as the deceased chief. The sokom mediated disputes and decided on foraging territories, but all decisions were subject to the consensus of family heads and elders of his community. Most major decisions were made during the springtime gatherings. 

Illustration: An engraving made by Mattheüs Merian (1593-1650) of Wabanaki hunting on Mount Desert Island. From Sir Ferdinando Gorges 1622 “Brief Relation of the Discover and Plantation of New England.

Bibliography: Prins, H.E.L and McBride, B. (2007) Asticou’s Island Domain: Wabanaki Peoples at Mount Desert Island 1500-2000. Northeast Regional Ethnography Program, National Park Service, Boston, Massachusetts.

Featured

Precolonial North American History: The first French explorations of coastal Maine

In 1603, King Henry granted Pierre Degua (1558–1628), the Sieur de Monts, a monopoly on the fur trade in the New World and asked him to colonize l’Acadie, covering eastern Canada and the northeastern United States. The goal was to set up a settlement, from which furs could be obtained from the Indigenous peoples of New England. 

Degua put together an expedition force of one hundred and twenty men in two vessels, one captained by Sieur de Pont Grave, and another which he captained himself. On board was Samuel de Champlain making his first voyage to North America as a cartographer and historian.

The expedition set sail from Le Havre in April and arrived at the coast of Acadia in May, in a very rapid crossing. After some exploration, they decided to build their settlement on a small island (now Muttoneguis Island)  in the St. Croix River, which divides what is now Maine and New Brunswick.

While the artisans were busy building the settlement, Dugua sent Champlain with 12 sailors and 2 local guides on the first voyage along the coast of what is now Maine.  They set out on September 2, 1604, and within a few days sighted Mount Desert Island, which Champlain named for its stone mountain peaks, that were bare of trees. Champlain described Mt. Desert Island as: “about four or five leagues in length, of which we were almost lost on a little rock, level with the surface of the water, which made a hole in our pinnace close to the keel. The distance from this island to the mainland on the north is not a hundred paces. It is very high and cleft in places, giving it the appearance of the sea of seven or eight mountains one alongside the other. The tops of them are bare of trees because there is nothing there but rocks. The woods consist only of pines, firs, and birches. I named it Mount Desert Island ” (Grant, 1907: 45).

Champlain also wrote about interactions with the Indigenous people along the shorelines. They came across two local Wabanaki rowing a canoe and, after some initial discourse and an exchange of trade items for fish, they led them further south to the mouth of the Penobscot River and up the river about 20 miles to the fall line at present-day Bangor, Maine. Champlain reported that along the riverbank were: “…neither town nor village, nor any traces that there ever had been any, but only one or two empty Indian wigwams…” He was told by his guides that ”they come there [to the river] and to the islands only for a few months in summer during the fishing and hunting season when the game is plentiful. They are a people of no fixed abode, from what I have discovered and learned from themselves; for they pass the winter sometimes in one place and sometimes in another, wheresoever they perceive the hunting of wild animals is the best” (Grant, 1907: pg. 48).

Near Bangor, Champlain and his party met on shore with another group of Wabanaki and two of their leaders, Bessabez and Cabhis. Each was accompanied by at least 30 followers. As Champlain describes the encounter: “I ordered the crew of our pinnace to draw near the Indians and to hold their weapons in readiness to do their duty in case they perceived any movement of these people against us. Bessabez, seeing us on shore, bade us sit down, and began with his companions to smoke, as they usually do before beginning their speeches. They made a present of venison and waterfowl “(Grant, 1907: 49).

The meeting went smoothly and strong interests were expressed for cooperation and alliance.  Champlain conveys: “that the Sieur de Monts had sent me to them, and also their country; that he wished to remain friends with them, and reconcile them with their enemies, the Souriquois and Canadians; moreover, that he desired to settle in their country and show them how to cultivate it, in order that they might no longer lead so miserable an existence as they were doing; and several other remarks on the same subject…I made them presents of hatchets, rosaries, caps, knives, and other little knick-knacks; then we separated. The rest of this day and the following night they did nothing but dance, sing, and make merry, awaiting the dawn when we bartered a certain number of beaver skins.” (Grant, 1907: 50)

Thus, the two cultures made their first tentative steps to seek an arrangement that would reward them both. The meeting concluded; Champlain and his men sailed down the river the next day. They explored Penobscot Bay a bit more, and then returned to the St. Croix settlement, arriving there on 2 October.

Illustration: Champlain’s map of Saco Bay and the Saco River, 1605. McArthur Public Library

Bibliography:

Grant,  W. L. (ed.) (1907) Voyages of Samuel de Champlain 1604 – 1618. Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York.

McManamon F.P. (2022) The French Along the Northeast Coast—1604-1607, Saint Croix Island International Historic Site. National Park Service, Boston, MA.

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Marquis de La Roche colonizes Sable Island with criminals

In 1598 the governor of Brittany,  the Marquis de La Roche-Mesgouez, “received new letters patent from the King, appointing him lieutenant-general of the territories of Canada, Newfoundland, Labrador, and Norumbega … granting him title to the area and the monopoly of the fur trade, and forbade all others to trade in furs without his consent, on pain of losing all their ships and merchandise.”  (Lanctot, 1979).

La Roche hired Thomas Chefdostel, the master of a boat named La Catherine (170 tons)  to fish off the coast of Newfoundland and land a group of soldiers and settlers on Sable Island, which La Roche had seen in a fishing trip he had made in 1597. When no willing colonists stepped forward to make the trip, La Roche arranged with the Parliament of Rouen to get prisoners to fill out the party. He was given “200 sturdy beggars, male and female” (Bigger, 1901) and agreed to pay Chefdostel an additional six hundred crowns to transport them.  La Roche would ultimately take only about 40 of the criminals, selling the rest their freedom.

Added to the mission was Capt. Jehan Girot of the François, who received 100 crowns to join. It was agreed that any furs and goods obtained in trade with the Amerindians would be divided equally between Chefdostel, the owners of the Catherine, and La Roche. The profits from the fishing were to go to the ships’ captains.

When the expedition arrived at Sable Island, “The viceroy settled his party on the north coast, on a small waterway forming a narrows which he named the Boncreur River. There he built living quarters, and a storehouse in which were placed provisions, clothes, tools, arms, and furniture. Leaving the post under the orders of a commandant, Querbonyer, La Roche accompanied the ships to the Newfoundland fisheries.” (Lanctot, 1979).

Bigger (1901) suggests that “ … a slight examination of the island convinced him [La Roche] that it was not fit for settlement”, but he left them behind anyway.  The island was pretty much a barren sandbar that was 300 km distant from the little-known mainland. ”It barely stood above sea level and big waves crashed hard over it. Little lived.”

La Roche hoped to find a more suitable location on the mainland; however, when he attempted to return to Sable Island after his fishing, a storm blew him all the way back to France and he was forced to leave the colony in place. 

Upon his return, Henri IV awarded La Roche a grant of one ecu for each barrel of merchandise passing through the ports of Normandy. La Roche used this subsidy to maintain his little settlement and each spring he had it supplied by Chefdostel with “wine, coats and clothing“: the deportees got their food from the fish and game available locally as well as from the cattle that had been landed on the island, probably by the Portugues Fagundes around 1520. They also cultivated gardens, which supplied them with vegetables (Lanctot, 1979).

In 1602 for some unknown reason,  no relief vessels were sent by La Roche. In the long winter of 1602-3, there was a rebellion against their long detention, and the deportees killed their two leaders and some of the other settlers. When a relief mission was finally sent in the summer of 1603, only 11 retched souls were left, after a winter of hunger and dissent on the barren reef of sand.  Remarkably, when they got back to France, Henri IV, rather than hanging them, rewarded each with the sum of 50 ecus for the furs they brought back.

La Roche attempted to obtain more prisoners to maintain his colony, but the Parliament of Rouen refused, knowing only a fraction of the original batch had been transported to Sable Island. Frustrated, La Roche died three years later.

 Illustration: Sable Island from page 187 of Atlantic Ocean Pilot. The Seaman’s Guide to the Navigation of the Atlantic Ocean, by J.F. Imray and H.D. Jenkins. British Library.

Bibliography:

Biggar, H. P. (1901). The Early Trading Companies of New France: a contribution to the history of commerce and discovery in North America (Vol. 1). University of Toronto Library. 1901..

Lanctot, G.(2003)  La Roche de Mesgouez, Troilus de. Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 1, University of Toronto/Université Laval, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/la_roche_de_mesgouez_troilus_de_1E.html.

Tattrie, J. (2014) Sable Island: Criminal colonists settle on a desert island. Nova Scotia In Depth. CBC News. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/nova-scotia/sable-island-criminal-colonists-settle-on-deserted-island-1.2755143

Featured

Precolonial North American History: Étienne Bellenger and the first French plan to settle North America

The first Frenchman to try and establish a colony in northeast America was Étienne Bellinger. He was a general merchant in Rouen who by 1582 had been on at least two voyages to the Maritimes, visiting Cape Breton for trade and traveling down the coast of Nova Scotia. In 1583, Bellenger organized a mission to Cape Breton with Michael Costé as captain and pilot. The original plan was to explore the Maritimes and at a suitable location, drop off Bellinger and 20 men to establish a colony.

Bellenger and Costé left Le Havre on 19 January in the Chardon of 50 tons, carrying a small pinnace, and arrived only 20 days later. Bellenger then made a “thorough survey of the coast, west-southwestwards from the cape, charting bays and harbors, rocks and islands and sounding shallows and deeps. He explored the coasts southward from Cape Breton, coasted the southern shore of Nova Scotia, and then turned along its north coast into the Bay of Fundy, followed its limits around southern New Brunswick and, in the open sea again, some way along the coast of Maine, before turning homewards to France” (Quinn, 2003).  

Bellenger set on land at least 10 or 12 times during his voyage to search for mineral wealth and trade with the local Innu. “In many places, he had traffic with people which are of very good disposition and stature of the body. They wear their hair hanging down long before and behind as low as their navels which they cut short only over their brows. They go all naked saving their privates which they cover with an Apron of some beast skin and tie it unto them with a long buff girdle that comes three times about them being made fast behind and at both the ends it is cut into little thin thongs, which thongs they tie round about them with slender quills of birds feathers whereof some are as red as if they had been dyed. Their girdles have also a little coil or Purse of buff wherein they put diverse things, but especially their tinder to keep fire in, which is of a dry root and somewhat like a hard sponge and will quickly take fire and is hardly put out. Their weapons whereof he brought home to show the Cardinal are bows yards long and arrows of one yard headed with indented three or fewer inches long and are tied into a knot at the with a thong of leather” (Marsh, 1962).

On one of his landings, near today’s Cap de Sable, Bellinger visited a large village of 80 houses, with a population of about 800, and traded some small merchandise for “elk, deer and seal skins along with marten, beaver, otter and lynx pelts, samples of castor, porcupine quills, dyestuffs, and some dried deer-flesh” (Quinn, 2003).

Most of his interactions with the local people were positive, but he had one very negative experience about 200 miles west of Cape Breton. The people there were “cruel and subtle of nature than the rest. And you are not to them but to stand upon your guard for among them he lost two his men and his small pinnace which happened through their folly in trusting the salvages too far.” (Marsh, 1962)

Quinn (1962) suggests that “The difference in hostility displayed by the Amerindians may have been due to previous contact with Europeans or it may represent a tribal boundary. If it was the former, it would not be surprising that contact with violent, drunken, fire-armed European fishermen and part-time fur traders should have rendered the Indians at least equally violent and, perhaps more treacherous. But the Micmac did not, universally,  have a bad reputation amongst the whites. By April they would probably be back in their villages ready to trade their furs.”

It is possible that John Cabot visited Cape Breton in 1497, and European fishermen likely began landing in the territory in the early 1500s. In about 1521–22, the Portuguese João Álvares Fagundes established a fishing colony on the island at what is now known as Ingonish (Morison, 1971). It lasted there for a year to eighteen months until the settlers were forced to move by the locals. The colony’s subsequent fate is unknown. 

In late May, Bellenger decided to return home after only four months and abandon his plan to colonize Cape Breton. He likely feared further conflict with the Innu. “Bellenger’s return may have underlined the dangers from the Indians such a venture might well experience even though he had had favourable geographic and economic reports to make” (Quinn, 1966).

Regardless, Bellenger’s mission was considered a success. He got a good return on his investment, as his trade goods had cost him £ 4, but he sold the furs he obtained for £ 88. This success would spur many more French fur trading missions to America.

Illustration: The first separate map of Cape Breton Island, drawn by Father Vincenzo Coronelli.  

Bibliography:

Marsh, T.N. (1962) An Unpublished Hakluyt Manuscript? The New England Quarterly, 35(2): 247-252

Morison, S.E. (1971) The European discovery of America: The Northern Voyages, A.D. 500 – 1600. Oxford University Press, New York.

Quinn, D. B. (1962). The voyage of Étienne Bellenger to the Maritimes in 1583: a new document. Canadian Historical Review43(4), 328-343. Quinn, D. B. (2003) Bellenger, Étienne.  Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Vol. 1. http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/bellenger_etienne_1E.htm

Featured

Precolonial North American History: The first European settlement in Atlantic America

Ponce de Leon is generally credited for the European discovery of Florida and mainland northern America in 1513, but his colonization attempt in 1521 was a failure. His landing party was not able to get established because of a ferocious attack by the Indigenous Calusa. Ponce was forced to flee back to Cuba where he died from wounds.

The first European to build a colony in Atlantic America, albeit for only a few months, was Spaniard Lucas Vásquez de Ayllón in 1526 at Sapelo Sound in coastal Georgia. He built his colony in the land of Chicora which had been explored by Pedro de Salazar and several other slave traders in the decade between Ponce’s two voyages.

The Vásquez expedition was made up of six ships and around six hundred people, including women, children, some African slaves, and a few priests. A baptized slave captured from the region, Francisco Chicora, was included as an interpreter. The spiritual contingent of the expedition was represented by Dominican friars Antonio de Montesinos and Antonio de Cervantes, and a lay brother named Louis.

The group departed for the mouth of the Jordon River in mid-July 1526 and arrived at Winyah Bay on August 9. Unfortunately, disaster struck almost immediately, as the flagship Capitana hit a sand bar anddisastrously sunkwith all its cargo. Fortunately, the crew and Ayllón made it safely to land, and began sending missions out to identify a good location for his colony. The various missions probed the area from Winyah Bay south to present-day St. Augustine. During one of these expeditions, Francisco Chicora deserted and made his way back through the forests to his own people.

Ayllón finally decided in early September to establish his settlement at a place he called San Miguel de Gualdape. Its location is debated but was probably along the Sapelo Sound on the Georgia coast. By the time Ayllón’s was ready to move, most of the settlers were already exhausted and on their last legs, having spent nearly a month in makeshift shelters. They had been continually soaked by rain, many were sick, all badly mosquito-bitten, and were, in general, miserable, and discouraged. Regardless, Ayllón ordered the healthy men to ride to the new site on horseback while the rest traveled by ship. When the parties were reunited at Sapelo Sound, the fittest began immediately to construct houses, an all-important church, storehouses for food, and pens for the livestock.

The colony of San Miquel de Gualdape was formally established during the festival of Saint Michael on 29 September 1526. However, the rough-hewn town survived for less than three months, plagued by food shortages, unhealthy living conditions, physical exhaustion, and untreated diseases. Most of their supplies had gone down with the Capitana and they were unable to barter or coerce food from the local people. It was too late for planting, and they were forced to suffer through several unseasonable cold snaps where temperatures dropped dramatically from 70 degrees to near-freezing temperatures in a matter of hours. Making matters even worse, Gualdape came under multiple attacks by the Guale led by none other than their former slave interpreter, Chicora.

The final blow came on 18 October, when Ayllón himself died, without a clear successor. One of the soldiers, Captain Francisco Gomez, assumed overall command, but his leadership was weak, and the exhausted settlers soon broke into warring factions of disgruntled aristocrats. As Peck (2001) tells it:

Capt. Francisco Gomez and the assigned alcalde of San Miguel (the Municipal magistrate) led the group loyal to Ayllón and his mission, but a renegade faction of the discouraged and desperate settlers, headed by Gines Doncel, a minor noble from Santo Domingo, soon obtained the upper hand. In the confused infighting that followed, Doncel once even summarily arrested Gomez and the Alcalde and, for lack of a jail, locked them in Doncel’s house. During this period of anarchy, a group of famished and desperate settlers attempted to move into a nearby Indian village and impose upon the natives for food. Garcilaso de la Vega reports the Indians soon tired of this and, after the settlers had feasted for several days, slew them all in a single night attack. In the chaotic situation that followed (with black slaves setting fire to Doncel’s house, Gomez and the alcalde regained control, but facing reality decided to abandon the colony and return to the Antilles.”

The evacuation began in the latter part of October, with the last ship departing in mid-November. It was so cold by the time they left that seven men on the Santa Catalina died of exposure on the way home. Of the 600 – 700 original settlers, only 150 survivors reached Hispaniola or Puerto Rico that winter.

Illustration: Detail of the American Coast Map by Diego Ribero (1529), where the southern half of the east coast of the current US is named Tierra de Ayllon. United States Library of Congress’s Geography & Map Division

Bibliography:

Hoffman, P. E. (1984) The Chicora Legend and Franco-Spanish Rivalry in La Florida. The Florida Historical Quarterly. 62 (4): 419-438.

Johnson, J. G. (1923) A Spanish settlement in Carolina, 1526. The Georgia Historical Quarterly, & (4): 339-345.

Peck, D. T. (2001) Lucas Vásquez de Ayllón’s Doomed Colony of San Miguel de Gualdape. The Georgia Historical Quarterly. 85(2):183-198.

From Ponce de León to Sir Walter Raleigh: Early European Arrivals in Southeastern North America

Another new book from James F. Hancock!

The story of the European discovery of North America can be separated into two overlapping chronicles. The Spanish dominated the South, with only a few incursions from the French and English. The French, English, and later the Dutch dominated in the North with little Spanish interference. For this reason, I have described the precolonial period in two volumes—one covering events in Florida and the Southeast and the second dealing with activities from Chesapeake Bay to the North Atlantic. This volume covers all the Spanish expeditions into Southern Atlantic America and the Gulf Coast and the early French and English infringements on what the Spanish would ruthlessly defend as their territory.

The unveiling of North America was often violent, as the Indigenous people valiantly fought to protect their cultures against the onslaught of Europeans. Interactions between the people of the two worlds generally started friendly but soon deteriorated as the Europeans took food and land from the local populations by force. European diseases would further decimate Indigenous populations, emptying their land for colonial farms and weakening their ability to resist the growing onslaught. Drawing extensively on eyewitness reports from the explorers, this book reveals the full, complex story of the European discovery and settlement of Florida and the coastal Southeast.

From Ponce de León to Sir Walter Raleigh – McFarland

Table of Contents

Preface 1

Introduction: The Spanish Move into Eastern North America

One—Ponce de León’s Illfated Conquest of Florida: 1513–1521

Two—A New Andalucía: Legend of Chicora: 1521–1525

Three—The Epic Voyage of Giovanni da Verrazzano: 1524

Four—The Fiasco of Pánfilo de Narváez: 1527–1535

Five—The Bloody Campaign of Hernando de Soto: 1539–1543

Six—The Luna Colony and the Coosa: 1559–1561

Seven—Jean Ribault and the French Attempt to Settle Florida: 1562–1565

Eight—Pedro Menéndez de Avilés Takes Charge of Florida: 1565–1566

Nine—Pedro Menéndez Struggles to Control Florida: 1566–1572

Ten—Spanish Florida Staggers into the Seventeenth Century: 1567–1586

Eleven—The First English Intrusion into the Southeast: 1584–1587

Epilogue: Southern Atlantic America in the Seventeenth Century

Bibliography

Index

John Cabot to Henry Hudson: Early European Arrivals in Northeastern and Mid-Atlantic North America

A new book from McFarland Publishers by James F. Hancock!

Largely forgotten is the history of how North Atlantic America was revealed to the Europeans in the 16th and early 17th centuries. The French and English expeditions into the North Atlantic searching for cod, gold, and a route to China came first, followed by French fur trading activities of Jacques Cartier and others in the St. Lawrence River Valley, French and English expeditions along the New England coast in pursuit of cod and furs, and Henry Hudson’s exploits in New York Harbor and Hudson Bay. Initial friendly interactions with tribal cultures almost always turned ugly as the Europeans pushed for land, and their diseases raced through native peoples.

Drawing extensively on firsthand accounts of English, French, and Dutch explorers, this history spans the precolonial period from John Cabot’s discovery of Newfoundland in 1497 to the founding of Jamestown in 1607.

From John Cabot to Henry Hudson – McFarland

Table of Contents

Preface

Introduction: North Atlantic America Before the Europeans Arrived

One. Newfoundland: The First European Touchpoint, 1497–1527

Two. Jacques Cartier’s Voyages of Discovery: 1534–1542

Three. Fool’s Gold: The Arctic Expeditions of Martin Frobisher, 1576–1578

Four. The Arctic Voyages of John Davis: 1585–1587

Five. English and French Expeditions to the North Atlantic: 1578–1621

Six. L’Acadie: The French Begin a Fur Trading Empire, 1588–1603

Seven. Pierre Dugua de Monts’s Colonies at Saint Croix and Port Royal: 1603–1606

Eight. English Expeditions to New England: 1602–1605

Nine. Samuel de Champlain and the Founding of Québec: 1608–1635

Ten. The Virginia Companies and the First Two Attempts to Settle Maine: 1607–1608

Eleven. The Founding of Jamestown by the London Company: 1606–1608

Twelve. Jamestown Teeters but Survives: 1608–1622

Thirteen. John Smith’s Chesapeake Voyages: 1608

Fourteen. The Enduring Dream of Ferdinando Gorges: 1611–1619

Fifteen. Henry Hudson and the Early Dutch Expeditions: 1609–1621

Epilogue: Northern Atlantic America in the Early Seventeenth Century

Bibliography

Index

The Colonization of Maine: Dixie Bull – New England’s First Pirate

In 1632, New England’s first pirate, Dixey Bull, attacked and pillaged Pemaquid. Sailing audaciously into the harbor with three ships, he opened fire on the stockade and sacked the town. The booty was worth about £55, or today’s $2,500. While the plundering was going on, he was little resisted, but just as he weighed anchor, his second in command was shot to death from shore.

Born in Huntington, England, in about 1611, Dixey was trained as a skinner and apprenticed to his elder brother Seth for nine years. Skinners traded animal skins and furs. Dixey found his way to Boston in 1632 after being granted a land patent with his brother and a group of investors. He began his career in New England, sailing up and down the Maine coast in a small vessel, trading with the Wabanaki for furs, especially beaver. Before his rouge assault, Dixey had operated as a legitimate trader focusing mainly on Penobscot Bay. He was well-known to the Pilgram traders as an unwanted competitor.

Bull became a pirate after being attacked by a roving band of French thieves in Penobscot Bay, perhaps as part of a French force that had fallen upon the Pilgrim’s trading post in Castine Bay. Dixie’s ship was taken over, and all his trade goods and provisions were confiscated. He went to the Plymouth Company to plead for compensation but was spurned. Filled with rage, he returned to Boston, put together a crew of around 25 men, and began his career of piracy to recoup his losses. Ironically, he focused on English ships and settlements rather than French ones, even though the French attacked him. Perhaps English trading posts were wealthier.

After Bull’s raid on Pemaquid, the Pilgrim leader Winthrop dithered for a while but eventually sent out all the forces he could muster, four shallops and 40 men, to hunt down Dixie in what is considered America’s first armed naval expedition. Unfortunately, after two months of searching, the squadron returned empty-handed. Dixie got away, leaving a letter signifying his intent not to do any more harm to his countrymen and stating he and his crew were resolved to sink themselves rather than be taken.

Bull’s final fate is unknown. Some stories say he joined the French, others say he returned to England and took up work as a skinner, and still others suggest he was captured by government authorities and hanged in Tyburn, like other notorious pirates. There are also tales of his booty being buried on islands off the coast of Maine that were never recovered.

Dixie Bull’s legend was ultimately enshrined in ballads—the most famous being “The Slaying of Dixie Bull”:

“Dixey Bull was a pirate bold,

He swept our coast in search of gold.

One hundred years have passed away

Since he cast anchor in Bristol Bay.

Under the lea of Beaver’s shore

He laid his craft three days or more;

He flaunted his flag and shot his lead,

Which kept the people out of bed.

Until the folks of old Jamestown

Had passed the word to all around,

That Dixey Bull, the pirate bold,

Would not leave without their gold.

Into the fort the people came

To fight this man of bloody fame;

But well they knew the fort would fall

When stormed by powder and by ball.

Their gold was gathered in a pile

To send to him at Beaver’s Isle,

So the pirate would go his way

And leave the waters of Bristol Bay.

But Daniel Curtis, a fisherman,

Feared not the flag from which they ran,

But took his skiff; bent to his oar,

And rowed alone to Beaver’s shore.

‘I, Dan Curtis, my boat will pull

Down to the craft of Dixey Bull

And man to man, we’ll meet tonight,

To settle for all in a good, fair fight.

“And he who wins shall have the say

Of whether the riches go or stay;

If he kills me they’re his by right,

If I kill him we win the fight

The women wept, the children cried,

As he went off to the pirate’s side,

He gave a roar and waved his hand,

And said, ‘I want to see the man ”

The poem ends with Dixie being slain and saving the town.

Illustration: A pirate flag

Bibliography

 Eckstrorm, F.H. and Smyth, M. W. (1927)Minstrelsy of Maine: Folk-songs and Ballads of the Woods and the Coast. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Lagerbom, C. (2021) ‘Shiver me timbers?’ Maines first pirate. Midcoast Villager. https://knox.villiagesoup.com/opinion/shiver-me-timbers-maine-s-first pirate/article_9905e393-6681-5a3d-bebb-6214a00e82f8.html

Parker, A. D. (1925) A history of Pemaquid with sketches of Monhegan, Popham and Castine.  MacDonald & Evans: Boston

The Colonization of Maine: Early Wabanaki trade at Pemaquid

By the early 1630s, the sight of Wabanaki traders arriving in Pemaquid with their stocks of beaver, moose, and otter furs, pelts, skins, and hides was a common occurrence. Their periodic trading visits remained a part of local routine through the 1680s. Upon arrival, the traders did business with the several truck masters who operated trading posts or truck houses in the Pemaquid area.

Reconstructing the size of the Indian trading groups and the length of their stays is hampered by the usual dearth of historical documentation. The existing evidence suggests the Wabanaki typically traveled in small bands, consisting either of several adult males or small family units.  They probably remained in the Pemaquid area for anywhere from several days to several weeks.

“During their visits, the Indian trading parties probably stayed in several locations. One popular site appears to have been on the grounds of today’s Bristol Town Beach  … The beach area has added significance in that scholars believe it was the location of the Etchemin village visited by George Popham in 1607. A second possible Indian trading encampment may have also existed at the mouth of the Pemaquid River, but on its western banks, in a small cove just above the river’s Inner Harbor.20 While it has not been documented, some of the Indian visitors to Pemaquid likely spent time in the homes of local residents whom they had befriended or did business. Such a practice was not unusual in 17th-century New England. Period accounts contain numerous references to New Englanders taking in Indians for meals and overnight stays. Others probably established short-term trading camps on the more sparsely settled periphery of the Pemaquid plantation.”   (De Paoli, 2001, pp. 228-229)

By the 1630s, Maine traders had shifted from offering nicknacks such as mirrors, rings, and bells, to practical goods that supported the Amerindian’s changing needs, such as English cloth, foodstuffs, clay smoking pipes and tobacco, shot, powder, kettles, axes, liquor, and beads (DePaoli,1994).

In their transactions, the Amerindians were given credit to obtain materials ahead of time, and their debts were met when they brought furs back to the station. The amount of credit they were given depended on their reliability. The most successful traders dealt in quality goods, and if they cheated the Amerindians, they risked being killed. The longevity of Abraham Shurt’s twenty-five-year trading career at Pemaquid was a testament to his good reputation for being fair and honest.

“Shurt’s trading network included the Pilgrim’s bitter French rivals Charles D’Aulney at Pentagoet and Charles de la Tour at the mouth of the St.John River, the preeminent Acadian traders. He provided them with all kinds of provisions including powder and shot. His furs were shipped directly to England or Massachusetts Bay on the ocean-going vessels owned by Aldworth and Giles. These ships regularly shuttled between Bristol, Massachusetts Bay, and the mid-coast of Maine.

Boston’s John Winthrop was Pemaquid’s primary client. Pemaquid’s furs, hides, fish, wood products, and agricultural produce would have found a ready market in the region’s primary entrepot. With their sale, Shurt could clear old debts and replenish stocks of consumables for Pemaquid’s planters and Indian clients. Much the same was undoubtedly done, but on a smaller scale, with the merchants and traders from Massachusetts South and North shores, New Hampshire, and Maine who did business with the Pemaquid manager.” (DePaoli, 1994, pp. 178-179)

Samoset

From 1616 to 1653, the Sagamore of Pemaquid was Samoset, headquartered on Muscongus or Louds Island. He became a great friend of Shurt and aided the English settlers in many ways.

As a young man, Samoset interacted with English fishermen on Monhegan and learned to speak credible English. It was he who, in 1621, startled the Pilgrims by walking amongst them and talking to them in broken English, then later introducing them to Squanto and the great Wampanoag Sagamore, Massasoit. He explained that he was from Pemaquid, five days away by land and one day by water and rattled off the names of many captains and ships that had visited Monhegan.

Samoset would have a long, rich history of engagement with the English. He met and regaled Christopher Levett when he visited the region in 1623-1624. Levett described him as “a Sagamore, one that hath ben found very faithful to the English, and hath saved the lives of many, of our nation, some from starving, others from killing” (Baxter, 1893, p. 102). He was one of the Sagamores who deeded land to John Brown in 1625, and he would make several other smaller land grants to settlers in the 1630s and 40s. He cooperated fully with Abraham Shurt and was integral to his many Anglo-Indian negotiations.

Illustration: The cover of the 1853 book, Interview of Samoset with the Pilgrims, depicting Samoset meeting the Pilgrims.

Bibliography:

Baxter, J. P. (1893) Christopher Levett of York, pioneer of Casco Bay. Gorges Society, Portland.

DePaoli, N. (1994) Beaver, blankets, liquor, and politics. Pemaquid’s Fur Trade, 1614-1760. Maine History 33 (3): 166-201.  https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/mainehistoryjournal/vol33/iss3/2

The Colonization of Maine: Pemaquid Becomes a Midcoast Trade Center

The Midcoast region of Maine is jagged and chaotic, with its rocky points resembling fingers plunging into the Atlantic Ocean. Nowhere is this more evident than at Pemaquid Point near Bristol, Maine. The Wabanaki had a name for this place, Pemi-Keag, which translates into “Extended or lengthened point.”

By the mid-1610s, West Country fishermen working for Sir Francis Popham were frequent visitors to the Pemaquid region and were actively trading with the Etchemin. After the Great Dying, there were no longer Etchemin encampments on the Pemaquid Peninsula, but groups of them traveled to the region from their remaining seasonal villages in the Kennebunk and Penobscot River drainages. 

Before the devastating plagues, the Pemaquid area had long played a prominent role in Etchemin history. As Neill De Paoli (2001, p.228) describes in his dissertation on early Pemaquid: “Archaeological evidence indicates that Native Americans fished, hunted, and traded on the Pemaquid mainland and offshore islands such as Monhegan for over four thousand years. Furthermore, the Pemaquid peninsula remained the site of an Indian canoe portage or carry while Anglo-Indian intercourse had roots that reached back to the first decade of the 17th century. Pemaquidians parlayed the plantation’s geographic advantages and the Maine’s Indians’ familiarity with the area into one of provincial Maine’s primary Anglo-Indian trade centers.”

One of the most active early year-round fishing communities was established on the eastern shore of the Pemaquid Peninsula at New Harbor by John Brown. As Williamson (1883, p. 66) reports:”In Levett’s explorations, when he reached Cape Newaggen, the locals told him that Pemaquid had been “granted” to Brown, who had obtained a patent, dated June 1, 1621, from the Plymouth Council, “allowing him the privilege of settling at any place he and his associates might choose, not however within ten miles of any other settlement.” He then obtained the first deed of a tract of land from the Wabanaki of Maine in July 1623

Grant of Aldsworth and Elbridge

On February 20, 1631, two Bristol merchants, Robert Aldsworth and Gyles Elbridge were awarded the last grant by the Council of New England, the Pemaquid Patent. It extended from the sea between Muscongus and Damariscotta rivers, so far north as to encompass 12,000 acres, plus 100 acres for every settler they brought over from England. It included the Damariscove Islands and all others within nine leagues of the shore. The proprietary grantees and their associates were to establish a civil government and were given “the right to hunt, fish, fowl, and trade with the natives in any part of New England.” 

Aldworth and Giles desired the patent to expand their growing mercantile empire in New England. They had already bought Monhegan from Abraham Jennings in 1626 and now sought to enlarge these interests by establishing a mainland operation.  They were undoubtedly encouraged to pursue this opportunity by Abraham Shurt, whom they had sent as their agent to purchase Monhegan and who was now a resident of Pemaquid. Also, the issuance of the Muscongus grant the preceding year likely pushed Aldworth and Elbridge to act or be left out.

This patent covered almost precisely the same ground John Brown had received in 1625 in his deed from the local Wabanaki, and by the time Aldsworth and Elbridge received their patent, there was already a year-round trading station at Pemaquid supporting about 80 people.

Golden Age of Pemaquid

Pemaquid steadily grew under the watchful eyes of its manager, Abraham Shurt. In the 1630s Pemaquid became the center of commercial activity on the whole Maine coast. English, French, and Wabanaki traders came together there, and its merchants sent fish, peltry, ship masts, barrel staves, livestock, and crops to the ports of England. Its domestic contacts included settlements scattered along French Acadia, Maine, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts Bay coasts.

One of the first additions was a series of wooden wharves to handle the upsurge in waterborne activity on the lower reaches of the Pemaquid mainland. The inhabitants constructed dwellings, storehouses, and miscellaneous outbuildings a short distance above the Pemaquid River and New Harbor shores. (De Paoli, 2001, p. 67)

The Pemaquid Plantation boomed throughout the 1630s. The community grew to encompass 150 to 200 people and served as the frontier on the northern fringe of English territory. It remained strong until the English Civil War began in 1642 and Eldridge died in 1643, with his finances in disarray. His  next two heirs, Robert and John died a few years after him, and the third, Thomas, moved to Pemaquid Plantation, “with little social standing and limited financial means” (DePaoli, 2001, p. 179).

Abraham Shurt stopped managing the Plantation around 1648 and moved to Charlestown, Massachusetts. Thomas Elbridge hired Francis Knight to manage the property from 1647 to 1650, when he began selling off his properties. He sold Monhegan and Damariscove to Richard Russell of Charlestown in 1650 and, in 1657, the whole patent to Massachusetts Bay merchant Nicholas Davison.

Illustration: J.F.W. Barres’ 1776 Nautical map of New England.

Bibliography

Burrage, H. S. (1914). The beginnings of colonial Maine 1602-1658. Marks Printing House.

DePaoli, N. (1994) Beaver, blankets, liquor, and politics. Pemaquid’s Fur Trade, 1614-1760. Maine History 33 (3): 166-201.  https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/mainehistoryjournal/vol33/iss3/2

Parker, A. D. (1925) A history of Pemaquid with sketches of Monhegan, Popham and Castine.  MacDonald & Evans: Boston

Williamston, W. D. (1889) The history of the state of Maine: From its first discovery in A.D. 1602 to the separation, A.D. 1820, exclusive. Glazers, Masters, and Smith.

The Colonization of Maine: Thomas Purchase builds an outpost at Pejepscot (Brunswick)

In 1628, about when the Pilgrims established their Kennebec trading post,  Thomas Purchase settled at Pejepscot (now Brunswick) and established a salmon fishery and trading post. Purchase had first landed in Maine at Saco with Richard Vines in 1626.

Burrage (1914, p. 242) suggests that “Doubtless after his arrival in the province, Purchase spent some time in seeking a favorable location for a settlement. From the eastern part of Casco Bay there was an Indian thoroughfare that led to the falls of the Pejepscot in what is now the town of Brunswick. Skirting the shores of Casco bay and journeying by this well-known route, Purchase probably reached the falls; or he may have made his way thither by the Sagadahoc to Merrymeeting Bay, and thence by the waters of the Pejepscot River. However this may be, by one route or the other, he discovered a very favorable location for trade with the Indians as they descended the river in passing from their villages to the mouth of the Sagadahoc or the pleasant camping grounds on the shores or islands of Casco Bay.”

On June 16, 1632 he and George Way received a formal patent to the land from the Council of New England. Wheeler and Wheeler (1878, pp. 789-790) suggest it encompassed “certain lands in New England called the river Bishopscotte [Pejepscot] and all that bounds and limits the mainland adjoining the river to the extent of two miles, from the said river northward four miles, and from the house there to the ocean sea with all other Profitts and Commodities whatsoever, paying to the King one fifth part of gold and silver oare, and another fifth part to the President and Council, also paying twelve pence to the said President and Councill for every hundred Acres of Ground in use, to the rent-gatherer for the time being, as by the same Grant may appeare.

There is no record of George Way coming to New England, although it is known that his widow and sons ultimately resided in Hartford, Connecticut.

Purchase would make his living in a myriad of ways. “During his residence at Pejepscot he was probably engaged in different pursuits at different times. He is mentioned as a hunter and trader with the Indians, as being engaged in the salmon fishery, and as a planter. The causes that led to his emigration can never be known, but there is every reason for supposing that he came to Pejepscot in pursuit of furs and peltry,’ which he acquired partly by his own exertions in the chase and partly by traffic with the natives. He was also engaged for the whole period of his residence in obtaining salmon and sturgeon and packing them for exportation to London and probably collected a number of settlers near him. He also cultivated the soil, and at the time of the attack upon his house by the Indians in 1676, he was possessed of stock and probably had what in those days would be considered a respectable farm.” (Wheeler and Wheeler, 1878, p. 793).

Purchase’s diverse enterprises required the services of many helpers, and many of the new emigrants now making their way to Maine came to work for him. Purchase came to support a bustling little community. He became well-known and was considered one of Maine’s most prominent men.

In 1639, Purchase contacted John Winthrop, governor of Massachusetts Bay, and asked to be placed under the jurisdiction of that colony. He deemed this prudent, even though he had his patent from Gorges, as there was no effective government in the part of Maine he had settled. Burrage (1914, p. 304) suggested that “Purchase deemed it imperative to make an effort in some direction, and he made his appeal to the governor of the colony of Massachusetts Bay. Winthrop evidently listened sympathetically to a description of conditions among the settlers along the Androscoggin River, and as a result of the interview, by an indenture executed August 22, 1639, Purchase conveyed “to John Winthrop and his successors, the governor and company of the Massachusetts forever, all that tract of land at Pejepscot upon both sides of the river of Androscoggin, being four miles square towards the sea, with all liberties and privileges thereunto belonging”. The right to plant there “an English colony” was included in the rights conveyed, as also “full power forever to exercise jurisdiction there as they have in the Massachusetts” ; while Purchase, his heirs and assignees, together with all other inhabitants within the limits of the Pejepscot grant, were to be given that “due protection of the said governor and company” as was enjoyed by the inhabitants of the Bay colony.

Purchase lived long and well in Maine. When he first arrived at Pejepscot, he was 53 years old. He died in 1678 at the age of 101.

Illustration: Woodcut, Unknown Artist, White Traders bartering with Indians. Originally from: Graphic Arts Collection, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution, Nr: 2003-33644

Bibliography:

Burrage, H. S. (1914). The beginnings of colonial Maine 1602-1658. Marks Printing House.

Wheeler, G. A. and Wheeler, H. W. (1878) History of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, Maine, including the ancient territory known as Pejepscot. Alfred Mudge & Son, Printers.

The Colonization of Maine: George Cleeve – Founder of Portland, Maine

In 1630, Sir Ferdinando Gorges recruited George Cleeve to settle in his Province of Maine. If he immigrated there, he was given the title to two thousand acres of land at a place of his choice.  

Cleeve was born about 1586 in Stogursey, Somersetshire, England, and was a native of Plymouth, England, when he met Sir Ferdinando. As described by Burrage (1914, p. 210): “[Cleeve] was not only acquainted with Gorges, who for so many years was in command of the fort at Plymouth, but he had doubtless talked with him many times with reference to the opportunities for settlement that were opening for Englishmen in the Province of Maine. In Cleeve, Gorges evidently found a man of energy and decision, and he was ready to give him information and encouragement. The enthusiasm of Sir Ferdinando with reference to the brightening prospects here was evidently contagious, and in 1630, with his wife and daughter, Cleeve made his way to the Maine Coast.”

Cleeve settled at the mouth of the Spurwink River at Cape Elizabeth with his family, one servant, and his business partner, Richard Tucker.  They built a homestead there and started fishing and trading furs. Cape Elizabeth is on the mainland across from Richmond Island. One wonders if Cleeve had any interactions with Bagnell before he was murdered.

The Spurwink area was a beautiful, bounteous location, As described By Baxter (1885, pp. 30 -32): “Far and near, all was an unbroken wilderness, save tracts of land here and there which had been burnt over by the Indians, and had grown up to grass, presenting charming openings in the summer time, bright and fragrant with wild flowers, and musical with the songs of countless birds. The streams abounded with trout and salmon, which the gentle angler could lure to his basket with a scrap of red cloth, if he possessed no more succulent morsel to offer them. The woods, too, were full of game of every sort, from the wild pigeons, which at sunset settled down upon the great pines ebbing tide. Nor was the sea less populous than the forest. Herring, mackerel, cod, and the much-prized bass crowded the waters adjacent to Richmond Island and the Spurwink, and along the margin of the sea hovered numberless wildfowl, acceptable for food. Never had the newcomers from the Old World, where game, protected with jealous care, was the peculiar privilege of the rich, beheld such abundance, and they wrote home extolling the country as a newfound Paradise.”

Cleeve was not able to stay at Cape Elizabeth for very long. In 1633, John Winter, manager of Robert Trelawny’s fishing station on Richmond Island, took umbrage at the proximity of Cleeve’s claim at Spurwink and, “backed by some thirty brawny fishermen of the new fish-drying operation, compelled Cleeve and Tucker to abandon their homesteads and move a few miles north to Casco Bay.” 

In 1636, Cleeve sailed back to England, where he met with Gorges and officially garnered fifteen hundred acres along Casco Bay. In addition, Gorges gave Cleeve the right to govern the portion of Maine between Casco Bay and Sagadahoc and “withal to oversee [Gorges’] servants and private affairs.” Finally, Gorges issued Cleeve three “protection[s] under the privy signet”: “For searching out the great lake of Iracoyse [Lake Champlain], and for the sole trade of beaver, and [for] the planting of Long Island. (Farber, 2009, p. 497)

Notably, this grant to Cleeve and Tucker did not come from the Council for New England but from Gorges himself. “The council for New England was [now] in a moribund condition … In a word, the council was ill constituted for conditions then existing in England. Its members stood with the king in his struggle to maintain the prerogatives to which Charles so tenaciously clung; while in the country at large the sympathies of the people in increasing numbers were with those who had arrayed themselves in opposition to the king. It was not yet civil war, but the country in its opposition to a king ruling without a Parliament, levying taxes illegally, raising money by the sale of monopolies and in such other ways as ingenuity and government distress could invent, was fast drifting toward it” (Burrage, 1914, pp. 228-229).

Cleeves and Tucker selected for their home an area called Machigonne (“Great Neck”) by the Wabanaki, which is now Portland. The two men continued as partners for many years, with Cleeves managing the land and Tucker carrying on the trade. Cleeve’s new lands proved to be a much more successful base for fur trading than Trelawny’s, being situated deeper into the heart of beaver land and possessing a large river for easy transport of goods.

Illustration: A statue of George Cleave on the Portland, Maine waterfront. Paul Van Der Wert, Brunswick, Maine.

Bibliography:
Baxter, J. P. (1844) Documentary History of The State of Maine. Vol. III. Containing the Trelawny Papers. Hoyt, Fogg, and Donham: Portland.  
Burrage, H. S. (1914). The beginnings of colonial Maine 1602-1658. Marks Printing House.  
Farber, H. (2009) The rise and fall of the Province of Lygonia, 1643-1658. The New England 82: 490-513  
Willis, W. (1865) The history of Portland from 1632 to 1864. Bailey and Noyes: Portland.  

The Colonization of Maine: Christopher Levett’s Voyage up the Coast (1623 – 1624)

The first European to settle on the shore of Casco Bay was Christopher Levett, a merchant and friend of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. He left a detailed account of his adventure, “A Voyage into New England,” published in 1626 and reprinted by James Phinney Baxter in 1893.

Levett set sail for New England in 1623, reached the Isles of Shoals in the autumn, and then, after a visit to Piscataway, proceeded up the coast in two open boats with ten others to find a location for his colony.  Levett first examined the area around today’s Portsmouth, or Aquamenticus, as he called it. Here, he found a good harbor and much land that was “already cleared, fit for planting corn and other fruits, having heretofore been planted by the savages, who are all dead. There is [also] good timber and likely to be good fishing, but as yet there hath beene no tryall made that I can heare of.  (Baxter, 1893, p. 92).

He then proceeded to Cape Porpoise, and then ‘Sawco” (Saco), four leagues farther east. On the way, he had to battle a heavy fog; the boats became separated, and such a fierce storm assailed them that they were forced to strike sail and take to their oars, spending the night at sea. Finally united on land, the group spent five nights at Saco, huddled in a wigwam made of their boat sails, in weather “very unseasonable, having much raine and snow, and continuall foggse “… The greatest comfort they had, “next unto that which was spiritual, was this we had foule enough for killing, wood enough for felling, and good fresh water enough for drinking.” (Baxter, 1893, p. 95)

Making his way farther up the coast, Levett came to a place he called “Quack”, which he named York, after his hometown in England. Quack, he describes, as ” a bay or sound betwixt the main and certain islands which lyeth in the sea about one English mile and a half”. This would be Portland Harbor, the western part of Casco Bay.  Continuing, Levett adds:  ”There are four islands [Cushing’s, Peaks’, Diamond and House] which make one good harbor; there is very good fishing, much fowl and the main as good ground as any can desire”. (Baxter, 1893, p. 99)

While exploring the region, he met: “the Sagamore or King of who hath a house, where I was one day when there were two Sagamors more, their wives and children, in all about 50. and we were but 7. They bid me welcome and gaue me such victualls as they had, and I gaue them Tobacco and Aqua vitae … And the great Sagamore of the East country, whom the rest doe acknowledge to be chiefe amongst them, hee gave unto me a Bevers skin, which I thankfully received, and so in great loue we parted.”

Continuing his exploration eastward, Levett mentions Casco having “a good harbor, good fishing, good ground and good fowl, and a site for one of the twenty good towns well- seated to take the benefit both of the sea and fresh rivers”. He also suggests that the whole distance from Cape Elizabeth to the Sagadahoc, was exceedingly favorable for plantations. (Baxter, 1893, 100 – 101).

The next place Levett came to was Capemanwagan [Southport or perhaps Boothbay]. Here he lingered and met many important Wabanaki sagamores with their wives and children and was able to make a significant fur trade: “there I staid foure nights, in which time, there came many Savages with their wives and children, and some of good accompt amongst them, as Menawormet a Sagamore, Cogawesco the Sagamore of Casco and Quack, now called Yorke, Somerset, a Sagamore, one that hath ben found very faithfull to the English, and hath saved the lives of many of our Nation, some from starving, others from· killing. … hearing of my being there, they desired to see me, which I understood by one of the Masters of the, Ships, who likewise told me that they had some store of Beauer coats and skinnes, and was going to Pemaquid to truck … I then sent for the Sagamores, who came, and after some complements they told me I must be their cozen … whereupon I told them that I understood they had some coates and Beauers skins … Somerset swore that there should be none carryed out of the harbour, but his cozen Levett should haue all …”

When the Sagamores were ready to leave, they asked Levett where he was going to settle.  He told them that he “intended to goe farther to the east before I could resolue … Cogawesco, the Sagamore of Casco and Quacke, told me if that I would sit downe at either of those two places, I should be very welcome, and that he and his wife would goe along with me in my boate to see them, which curtesey I had no reason to refuse, because, I had set up my resolution before to settle my plantation at Quacke, which I named Yorke, and was glad of this oppertunity

Levett built a fortified home there in the summer of 1624 and then took passage for England on a fishing boat to garner support for his colony. He left ten men behind, intending to return the following year, but never made it back. Nothing is known about the fate of these men.  

Illustration: Frontispiece of Christopher Levett’s A Voyage into New-England, Begun in 1623, and Ended in 1624.

Bibliography:

Baxter, J. P. (1893) Christopher Levett of York: The pioneer colonist in Casco Bay. Gorges Society: Portland

The Colonization of Maine:  Life on a 17th-century fishing station, Richmond Island, Casco Bay

On December 1, 1631, the English merchants Robert Trelawny and Moses Goodyear were deeded from the Council of New England a tract of land between the Spurwink and Presumpscot Rivers along Casco Bay, “with liberty to erect and maintain stages and places for preserving fish in and upon and near the islands commonly called Richmond” (Burrage, 1914, pp. 213-214)

The next year, they sent an agent named John Winter to establish a settlement on Richmond Island, where the workers would be employed in several occupations, including lumbering, fishing, trading, and shipbuilding. The Trelaway papers, a compilation of letters, accounts, and documents sent by Winter to Trelaway over a ten-year period, detail this operation (Baxter, 1844).  

In its prime, the station was large, with at least 60 fishermen on the island, a few artisans and servants, and several yeomen who farmed at nearby Spurwink. Very few women were on the island except for Winter’s wife. The workers were hired for three years and were paid annual wages, a share of the catch, or a combination of both.

“The fishermen worked in crews of four, three of whom went to sea, while the fourth remained at the island, curing the fish previously brought in and preparing it for shipment to Europe. The sea-going men included a master, who steered the vessel and was in charge of the voyage, and a midshipman and fore-shipman responsible for handling the craft. They fished from shallops, double-ended vessels about twenty feet long and measuring three to five tons” (Churchill, 1984, p. 186)

The men generally made three or more day-long fishing trips each week during the winter; in the summer, when fishing was poor, they might extend their trips to two days. They could only stay out to sea for so long before the fish began to spoil. These trips could become quite dangerous if a sudden squall or a severe cold snap came up.

In the summer, the station yeoman managed about 20 acres of crops and a substantial herd of cattle, goats, and pigs. In the winter, they helped dress and dry fish.

Treleway sent several ships each year to England, Spain, or France, loaded with fish and whale oil. The ships returned with manufactured goods and provisions.

About the only leisure time the men got was to sleep and eat. The pattern for serving meals—light breakfasts and lunches and a major meal at suppertime—was set to correspond with the fishing schedule. Typical meals included breakfast of cornbread, flat cakes, and beer; for lunch, biscuits, pork or cod, and wine for the fishermen; and bread, perhaps a light gruel, and drink for the shoremen. Supper often consisted of a stew, pork, peas, bread, pudding, and beer or wine.

“Alcoholic drinks, for Winter’s men as for most people in the New World, England, and Europe, were staple beverages. Any man who had to drink water was felt to be truly deprived, and it was thought to be positively harmful to do so for any length of time. Beer, the basic drink, was brewed on the island from barley, wheat, and other grains, locally grown hops, and imported malts. Wines and brandies had to be imported, though, and apparently, each man was required to purchase his share of these more potent beverages.” (Churchill, 1984, pp. 192 -193).

The men at Richmond Island regularly attended religious services. In 1636, Trelaway sent the Reverend Richard Gibson, an Anglican clergyman, to the station on a three-year contract. In 1642, Mr. Robert Jordan, a clergyman of the Church of England, moved to the island and began regular services.

Most of the men Winter hired came from small towns in Cornwall and Devon Counties in the West Country of England. Most were in their 20s, and a little more than half were married and sent part of their wages home. Many stayed in Maine after their term of service. Out of 110 who finished their term, it is known that at least 33 remained in Maine, and 11 or 12 moved somewhere else in New England (Churchill, 1984). Among those that stayed, many became independent fishermen and farmers scattered along the coast.

Some of the men who remained in Maine after their service did very well financially. “Landman Jonas Bailey, for example, managed to save about half of the £5 he earned each year at Richmond Island and was able to move to nearby Blue Point. He settled down and soon married the widow of a local landowner, carpenter George Deering. And thereby acquired all of Deering’s holdings. Bailey operated the farm until he died in the winter of 1664. He left an estate valued at £290, including his farm, a herd of twenty cattle, seventeen hogs, a substantial stock of provisions, and an impressive list of household items.

Another enterprising laborer from the Island, Richard Martin, would also accumulate an estate of more than £200. In 1639, only two years after arriving at the Island and while still engaged by Winter as a fisherman, he had raised enough hogs independently to sell over 560 pounds of meat to his employer. He started a farm at Scarborough but moved to Presumpscot after marrying widow Atwell and acquiring her holdings. He developed and expanded his agricultural operation, bought and sold land, and even worked a second stint with Winter in the early 1640s. The inventory of his estate in 1672/3, like Bailey’s, mirrored his farming activities” (Churchill, 1984, pp. 201 – 202)

Illustration: Cod fishing shallop. Canadian Museum of History. https://www.historymuseum.ca/cmc/exhibitions/hist/lifelines/licog18e.html

Literature cited:

Baxter, J. P. (ed.) (1844) The Trelaway papers. Hoyt, Fogg and Donham, Portland.

Burrage, H. S. (1914). The beginnings of colonial Maine 1602-1658. Marks Printing House.

Churchill, E. A. (1984) A most ordinary lot of men: The fisherman at Richmond Island. Maine in the early Seventeenth century. The New England Quarterly 57: 184 – 204.