Russell Hsiao

As Donald Trump prepares to become the forty-fifth president of the United States, relations between Washington and Taipei appear on the upswing. A phone call between the two world leaders in early December set a precedent for dignified protocol between the two democracies and key security partners. Since Tsai Ing-wen was elected president, however, Beijing has ratcheted up political pressure on Taiwan’s international space by attempting to limit the democratically elected leader’s contact with… Show more

As Donald Trump prepares to become the forty-fifth president of the United States, relations between Washington and Taipei appear on the upswing. A phone call between the two world leaders in early December set a precedent for dignified protocol between the two democracies and key security partners. Since Tsai Ing-wen was elected president, however, Beijing has ratcheted up political pressure on Taiwan’s international space by attempting to limit the democratically elected leader’s contact with foreign leaders and peeling off the nation’s remaining diplomatic allies. The small African nation of São Tomé and Príncipe flipped on December 20, and this week Nigeria announced that it was demoting ties with Taiwan. Taiwan now has twenty-one diplomatic allies, compared to the more than 170 that recognize the People’s Republic of China. Show less

In a transition process marked by no shortage of surprises, Donald Trump stirred another hornet’s nest when the president-elect stated on American television on December 11 that “I don't know why we [the United States] have to be bound by a One-China policy unless we make a deal with China having to do with other things, including trade.” Like reactions to the president-elect’s brief phone conversation with the democratically-elected president of Taiwan, most pundits’ comments ranged from fear,… Show more

In a transition process marked by no shortage of surprises, Donald Trump stirred another hornet’s nest when the president-elect stated on American television on December 11 that “I don't know why we [the United States] have to be bound by a One-China policy unless we make a deal with China having to do with other things, including trade.” Like reactions to the president-elect’s brief phone conversation with the democratically-elected president of Taiwan, most pundits’ comments ranged from fear, disbelief, and contempt. Some observers were shocked that Donald Trump had the audacity to question the sacrosanct “One China” policy. Others scornfully mocked the president-elect for waddling into a destructive change of U.S. policy that risks igniting World War III. While some expressed concern that the president-elect was using Taiwan as a bargaining chip.Yet, the “One China” policy is neither static nor should anything in the president-elect’s statement be conclusively read as a shift in the U.S. “One China” policy in one direction or another—not yet at least. The prevailing misperceptions throws into sharp relief an increasing liability that exists within the U.S. “One China” policy: No one really knows what it is. Show less

The U.S. media’s shrieking outcry and the partisan clamor resulting from President-elect Donald Trump’s ten-minute phone call with President Tsai Ing-wen of Taiwan raise the question of whether a longstanding "consensus" in American foreign policy has been broken. This consensus is the bipartisan support for Taiwan since President Jimmy Carter severed diplomatic relations with the nation on January 1, 1979 as a condition to normalize ties with the People’s Republic of China (PRC).

As the Internet continues to expand, evolve, and connect more people online, the cross-border data transfers that make it possible are increasingly important with respect to economic activity, social and military communications, and law enforcement purposes. This Note argues that the resolution of the Microsoft case will have profound implications for the evolution of the Internet
in general and particularly, the use of e-mail, sparking a robust conversation about the concept of sovereignty… Show more

As the Internet continues to expand, evolve, and connect more people online, the cross-border data transfers that make it possible are increasingly important with respect to economic activity, social and military communications, and law enforcement purposes. This Note argues that the resolution of the Microsoft case will have profound implications for the evolution of the Internet
in general and particularly, the use of e-mail, sparking a robust conversation about the concept of sovereignty in cyberspace, and whether it exists in this new paradigm. Show less

The current trajectory of U.S.-Taiwan relations requires recalibration. The status quo as it has stood for the past 35 years is unsustainable. An increasing imbalance between Taipei and Beijing in terms of military capabilities, China’s economic leverage over Taiwan, and a widening sovereignty gap are subjecting Taiwan ever more to Beijing’s coercive pressures. The current U.S.
approach to Taiwan is being misguided by a fallacy of false choices due in part to excessive policy deference to… Show more

The current trajectory of U.S.-Taiwan relations requires recalibration. The status quo as it has stood for the past 35 years is unsustainable. An increasing imbalance between Taipei and Beijing in terms of military capabilities, China’s economic leverage over Taiwan, and a widening sovereignty gap are subjecting Taiwan ever more to Beijing’s coercive pressures. The current U.S.
approach to Taiwan is being misguided by a fallacy of false choices due in part to excessive policy deference to Beijing’s one-China policy. Despite the thaw in cross-strait tensions, without a corresponding shift in U.S.-Taiwan relations, Taipei will move further toward a situation where it faces a Hobson’s choice—and Washington, if it fails to act, a real dilemma. Show less

Cyberspace is persistently and rapidly evolving with contiguous advances in information technology, and high-speed, parallel computing. Cyber power can enhance disruptive capabilities across the land, air, sea, and space domains, and Chinese civilian and military leaders are moving toward integrating cyber capabilities across the spectrum of critical civilian-military functions and operations. A substantial portion of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) resources in
planning and… Show more

Cyberspace is persistently and rapidly evolving with contiguous advances in information technology, and high-speed, parallel computing. Cyber power can enhance disruptive capabilities across the land, air, sea, and space domains, and Chinese civilian and military leaders are moving toward integrating cyber capabilities across the spectrum of critical civilian-military functions and operations. A substantial portion of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) resources in
planning and exercises are directed at Taiwan and contingencies related to it.Without a political resolution in sight, Taiwan is and will remain the primary driver of PLA operational strategy and training for the foreseeable future. In this context, the cyber domain will increasingly serve as a critical node in PLA’s coercive strategy against Taiwan. As China’s investments in developing capabilities and training in cyberspace grow over the next decade, this threat will also grow exponentially. Show less

Political warfare is a critical component of Chinese security strategy and foreign policy.1 All nation-states seek to influence policies of others to varying degrees in order to secure their respective national interests. Political warfare seeks to influence emotions, motives, objective reasoning, and behavior of foreign governments, organizations, groups, and individuals in a manner favorable to one’s own political-military objectives. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese… Show more

Political warfare is a critical component of Chinese security strategy and foreign policy.1 All nation-states seek to influence policies of others to varying degrees in order to secure their respective national interests. Political warfare seeks to influence emotions, motives, objective reasoning, and behavior of foreign governments, organizations, groups, and individuals in a manner favorable to one’s own political-military objectives. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) rely on political warfare as a means to shape and define the discourse of international relations. Show less

Chinese cyber espionage poses an advanced persistent threat to U.S. national and economic security. Groups operating from PRC territory are believed to be waging a coordinated cyber espionage campaign targeting U.S. government, industrial, and think tank computer networks. A dozen of these groups have been identified and linked with the PLA, and others connected with universities and information security enterprises. The largest and most active of these groups may operate from Beijing and… Show more

Chinese cyber espionage poses an advanced persistent threat to U.S. national and economic security. Groups operating from PRC territory are believed to be waging a coordinated cyber espionage campaign targeting U.S. government, industrial, and think tank computer networks. A dozen of these groups have been identified and linked with the PLA, and others connected with universities and information security enterprises. The largest and most active of these groups may operate from Beijing and Shanghai. Show less

This study offers a tentative baseline for assessing the GSD Third Department, affiliated Technical Reconnaissance Bureaus (TRBs), and supporting research and development organizations. An examination of this organization, its role and function would provide a mosaic with which to better evaluate China‘s signal intelligence and cyber-infrastructure. The data points assembled by this monograph points to an expansive yet stovepiped organization responsible for various facets of technical… Show more

This study offers a tentative baseline for assessing the GSD Third Department, affiliated Technical Reconnaissance Bureaus (TRBs), and supporting research and development organizations. An examination of this organization, its role and function would provide a mosaic with which to better evaluate China‘s signal intelligence and cyber-infrastructure. The data points assembled by this monograph points to an expansive yet stovepiped organization responsible for various facets of technical reconnaissance, including collection of wireless line of sight communications, satellite communications, cyber surveillance, network traffic analysis, network security, encryption and decryption, translation, and political, military, and economic analysis. Show less

Washington’s policy since the Nixon administration has been to welcome China into the international system. Beijing has accepted the invitation but, unfortunately, has also chosen to engage in a military competition with the United States that is undermining the post-World War II system from which China itself has greatly benefited. Competition need not lead to conflict. There are alternative futures that Washington has the power and influence to create for its own and its allies’ common… Show more

Washington’s policy since the Nixon administration has been to welcome China into the international system. Beijing has accepted the invitation but, unfortunately, has also chosen to engage in a military competition with the United States that is undermining the post-World War II system from which China itself has greatly benefited. Competition need not lead to conflict. There are alternative futures that Washington has the power and influence to create for its own and its allies’ common interests. Washington’s greatest advantage is a set of highly capable allies. Now is the time to help these alliances become greater than the sum of their parts. Show less